FCO 21/1136 Representation of China in Hong Kong





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(Part A.)

18

TITLE: REPRESENTATION OF CHINA IN HONG KONG

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Registry Address

Room No. ...271..

King Charles Street.

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YEAR STAMP

1973

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PRIORITY

CONFIDENTIAL

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CYPHER/CAT A

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FM HONG KONG 1609252

CONFIDENTIAL

1973

TO PRIORITY FCO TELNO 539 OF 16 MAY/INFO PEKING.

YOUR TELEGRAM 478: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

I SUGGEST THAT THE TELEGRAM TO SINCLAIR BE AMENDED BY THE DELETION

OF THE PHRASE QUOTE TAKING INTO ACCOUNT NOT ONLY FACTORS OF PARTICU-

LAR RELEVANCE TO HONG KONG, BUT ALSO THOSE OF MORE GENERAL IMPORTANCE AFFECTING SINO/BRITISH RELATIONS IN THEIR FULLEST SENSE UNQUOTE.

2. THE INCLUSION OF THE ABOVE PHRASE COULD ENCOURAGE FEARS ABOUT

THE ASPECT THAT MOST ALARMS PEOPLE HERE. THIS IS THAT THE FUTURE OF

HONG KONG MIGHT BE SACRIFICED TO SERVE U.K. IMMEDIATE COMMERCIAL

INTERESTS. IF YOU AGREE WITH ITS DELETION, WE WILL PASS AMENDED TELEGRAM TO SINCLAIR.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

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HKIOD

NEWS D

P/S MR ROYLE MR WILFORD SIR E NORRIS SIR D WATSON

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TU PRIORITY GOVERLOR HONG KONG TELEGRAM NUMBER 478 OF 15 MAY 1973

INFO PEKING.

P

MY TELEGRAM NUMBER 417: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

1.

KEVIN SINCLAIR HAS SENT ANOTHER TELEGRAM TO MR. ROYLE, AS

FOLLOWS:-

''MANY THANKS YOUR REPLY ON CHINESE LIAISON OFFICE. WOULD GREATLY

APPRECIATE FULL STATEMENT FROM YOU AFTER REPEAT AFTER THE REPLY

TO BE GIVEN IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON MAY 9. PLEASE CABLE

STATEMENT AFTER GOVERNMENT SPOKESMAN REPLIES TO LORD BROCKWAY'S

QUESTION OF MAY 9.

REGARDS SINCLAIR".

2.

IF YOU AGREE WITH THE WORDING, PLEASE PASS THE FOLLOWING REPLY

TO SINCLAIR FROM MR. ROYLE:~

ÁS LADY TWEEDSMUIR TOLD THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON 9 MAY THE CHINESE

GOVERNMENT HAS PROPOSED THAT A REPRESENTATIVE OF THEIR MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS SHOULD BE ESTABLISHED IN HONG KONG. THIS IS

A PROPOSITION WHICH WAS FIRST RAISED IN 1956, REJECTED BY H.M.G. IN 1958 AND WAS RAISED AGAIN BY THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT FOLLOWING ESTABLISHMENT OF RELATIONS AT THE LEVEL OF AMBASSADOR LAST YEAR. AS A RESIDENT OF HONG KONG YOU WILL KNOW YOURSELF THAT THE PROPOSAL WOULD GIVE RISE TO CERTAIN PROBLEMS AND FOR THIS REASON IT IS MOST IMPORTANT THAT IT SHOULD BE CAREFULLY AND COMPREHENSIVELY STUDIED, TAKING INTO ACCOUNT NOT ONLY FACTORS OF PARTICULAR RELEVANCE TO HONG KONG, BUT ALSO THOSE OF MORE GENERAL IMPORTANCE

AFFECTING SINO/BRITISH RELATIONS IN THEIR FULLEST SENSE.('OUR STUDY IS NOT YET COMPLETED, AND IT WOULD BE WRONG FOR ME TO FORECAST ITS LIKELY OUTCOME, I AM SURE YOU WILL UNDERSTAND,

KINDEST REGARDS,

ANTHONY ROYLE'.

DOUGLAS-HOME

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MR VILFORD SIR E NORRIS SIR D WATSON

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Mingyenes

Mr Evans

ni Wilford

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CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

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Mr Kevin Sinclair, the Daily Express correspondent in Hong Kong, has sent a further telegram to Mr Royle, to follow up his earlier exchange. Mr Sinclair was the author of the front page article in the South China Morning Post of 26 April reported in Hong Kong telegram no. 445.

2. Mr Guest has minuted that in replying to Mr Sinclair's request, Mr Royle naturally feels he cannot go any further than Lady Tweedsmuir in her reply to Lord Brockway's Parliamentary Question on 9 May.

3. I submit a self-explanatory draft telegram. HKIOD and News Department concur.

10 May 1973

M. Wilford M. Evans.

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H L1 Davies

Far Eastern Department

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10 may, 1973.

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ANTHONY ROYLE HOUSE OF COMMONS

LONDON

MANY THANKS YOUR REPLY ON CHINESE LIASON OFFICE STOP WOULD

GREATLY APPRECIATE FULL STATEMENT FROM YOU AFTER REPEAT

AFTER THE REPLY

TO BE GIVEN IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON MAY 9 STOP PLEASE CABLE

STATEMENT AFTER GOVERNMENT SPOKEMEN REPLIES TO LORD

BROCKWAY ON MAY 9 STOP REGARDS

SINCLAIR PORTSCRIPT HONGKONG

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1973

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELHO 417 OF 30 APRIL INFO PRIORITY PEKING

نظام اينكم

YOUR TELEGRAM NOS 444 AND 445: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HO:IG

KONG.

(FE)

1. MR ROYLE HAS RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM DATED 21 APRIL FROM MR KEVIN SINCLAIR, DAILY EXPRESS CORRESPONDENT IN HỌNG KONG: QUOTE WOULD APPRECIATE FULL STATEMENT ON PRESENT STATE OF DISCUSSION BETWEEN UNITED KINGDON AND CHINA RECARDING ESTABLISHMENT

OF CHINESE DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG. UNDERSTAND THIS DISCUSSED BY YOU ON LAST VISIT PEKING AND WOULD BE GRATEFUL FULLEST DETAILS. REGARDS KEVIN SINCLAIR POSTSCRIPT HONG KONG

UNQUOTE.

2. PROVIDED YOU SEE NO OBJECTION, I WOULD BE GRATEFUL IF YOU WOULD PASS THE FOLLOWINC REPLY TO MR SINCLAIR FROM MR ROYLE: QUOTE THANK YOU FOR YOUR TELEGRAM OF 21 APRIL, MY COLLEAGUE LADY TWEEDSMUIR WILL BE ANSWERING A PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON THIS SUBJECT ON 9 MAY. I DO NOT THINK IT WOULD BE RIGHT FOR ME TO ANTICIPATE WHAT SHE WILL SAY.

I MI SORRY THAT I CANNOT BE MORE HELPFUL. KIND REGARDS, ANTHONY ROYLE UNQUOTE,

DOUGLAS-HOME

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M HONG KONG 260846Z

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TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 445 OF 26 APRIL INFO PEKING.

THE FOLLOWING IS THE FULL TEXT OF A FRONT PAGE ARTICLE WHICH APPEARED IN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST TODAY (THURSDAY) UNDER THE HEADING QUOTE A CHINA OFFICE IN HONG KONG A CERTAINTY UNQUOTE:-

CHINA IS VIRTUALLY CERTAIN TO HAVE A QUOTE REPRESENTATIVE

UNQUOTE OFFICE IN HONG KONG WITH THE NEXT FEW YEARS.

BUT JUST WHEN IT WILL BE SET UP IS THE BIG QUESTION.

TALKS AT A QUOTE SENIOR UNQUOTE LEVEL ARE BEING HELD IN WHITEHALL AND IN PEKING ABOUT THE FORMATION, THE STATUS AND THE LIKELY STAFFING OF THE CHINESE OFFICE IN HONG KONG.

BUT ALTHOUGH CHINA HAS RAISED THE QUESTION OF REPRESENTATION TWICE WITH BRITISH MINISTERS IN THE PAST YEAR IT HAS NOT BEEN PRESSED RECENTLY AT MINISTERIAL LEVEL.

IT SEEMS LIKELY, HOWEVER, THAT A GO AHEAD WILL EVENTUALLY BE GIVEN BY LONDON DESPITE SOME RESERVATIONS BY OFFICIALS.

ONE OF THE FORMOST ADVOCATES OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENT- ATION IN HONG KONG WITHIN THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT IS THE UNDER- SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS, MR ANTHONY

ROYLE.

IT IS UNDERSTOOD THAT SINCE MR ROYLE'S LAST TRIP TO CHINA LAST YEAR, WHEN HE WAS QUOTE OVERWHELMED UNQUOTED BY AN ENTHUSIASTIC CHINESE WELCOME AND FLEW IN A BRITISH JET AIRCRAFT WITH AN ALL-BRITIB CREW BACK TO HONG KONG FROM SHANGHAI, HE HAS BEEN PRAISING THE QUOTE NEW CHINA UNQUOTE IN LONDON.

IT IS KNOWN THAT HONG KONG GOVERNMENT REPRESENTATIVES HAVE SENT A FULL AND DETAILED REPORT TO LONDON ABOUT THE POSSIBILITIES OF ESTABLISHMENT HERE OF A CHINESE OFFICE.

THESE ARGUMENTS ARE, ON THE GOOD SIDE;

IT WILL MEAN GREATER CONFIDENCE IN HONG KONG IF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVE IN THE COLONY INDICATES TO LOCAL PEOPLE

PUNERE ADE OUATE AUULTE MŁODY

1

1

1

F

H

TI WILL HEAN GAIRIET VOR DE NON IN HONG RUNG IF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVE IN THE COLONY INDICATES TO LOCAL PEOPLE

THE OUTSIDE WORLD THAT THE CHINESE ARE QUOTE QUITE HAPPY H THE WAY THINGS ARE GOING UNQUOTE.

IT WILL MEAN AN EASING OF VISA AND TRADE RESTRICTIONS.

A

BUT ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN, IT IS BELIEVED THE FOLLOWING POINTS HAVE BEEN TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION:

:

IN TIMES OF PEACE THERE WILL BE NO PROBLEMS, BUT IN TIMES OF STRIFE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE OFFICE IN THE COLONY WOULD BE A FOCAL POINT FOR TROUBLE.

THIS COULD HAVE A CRUCIAL BEARING ON CONFIDENCE IN THE COLONY.

ANOTHER DANGER IS THAT, ALTHOUGH CHINESE GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS KOULD NOT SEEK, NECESSARILY, TO PROPEL THEMSELVES INTO THE PUBLIC EYE, PRESENT MINOR TROUBLES SUCH AS TEACHERS' DISPUTES COULD MEAN A LARGE PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION WOULD REGARD THE MAINLAND REPRESENTATIVE AS A QUOTE CHINESE GOVERNOR OF HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

THE QUESTION OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION WILL BE RAISED IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF LAORDS NEXT WEEK BY A LABOUR PEER, LORD BROCKWAY,

LORD BROCKWAY ASKED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON APRIL 16 ABOUT PROPOSALS THAT CHINA SHOULD HAVE OFFICIAL STATUS IN HONG KONG,

HE WILL BE ANSWERED IN AN OFFICAL STATEMENT BY THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO THE LORDS ON 9 MAY.

SPEAKING TO THE S.C.M. POST IN A RADIO TELEPHONE INTERVIEW LAST NIGHT HE SAID HE WOULD BE QUOTE DELIGHTED UNQUOTE IF THE CHINESE REQUEST FOR REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG WAS GRANTED.

QUOTE I THINK IT IS VERY NECESSARY UNQUOTE, LORD BROCKWAY SAID, QUOTE ESPECIALLY IN VIEW OF THE CHINESE POSITION IN REGARD TO HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

HE SAID HE HAD NEVER BEEN TO THE COLONY, BUT REGARDED CHINA AS BEING VERY IMPORTANT TO THE PEACE OF THE WORLD.

QUOTE I AM A TRADE UNIONIST AND SOCIALIST AND I AM CONVINCED THAT THE ATTITUDE TAKEN BY THE WORKERS IN CHINA TO IMPROVE THEIR CONDITIONS AND THE ANSWERS TO THE FAMILY OF NATIONS ARE CORRECT UNQUOTE.

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PORNTIONS ALL THE A

"UNQUOTE.

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FORD BROCKWAY SAID: QUOTE THERE HAVE BEEN SOME INDICATIONS IN LONDON THAT A DECISION IN THE DIRECTION OF WHITEHALL AGREEMENT TO CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG HAVE BEEN REACHED

UNQUOTE.

ASKED IF THIS MEANT A DECISION AT THE LEVEL OF THE PRIME MINISTER, HE SAID HE COULD NOT SAY, BUT ADDED IT HAD QUOTE CERTAINLY BEEN DISCUSSED BY THE FOREIGN AND COM440NWEALTH OFFICE UNQUOTE.

LORD BROCKWAY SAID HE WOULD NOT DISCUSS THE POSSIBILITIES OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG BEING UNDER CONSIDERATION BY THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

THE OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVES IN HONG KONG TODAY ARE SPLIT INTO THREE CAREFULLY-SELECTED BRANCHES

HSINHUA, THE NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY STAFF, OF WHICH THE LEADING MEMBER IS MR LIANG WEI-LIN, WHO TRAVELS TO AND FRO ON A DIPLOMATIC PASSPORT WHICH DESCRIBES HIM AS A BONA FIDE MEMBER OF THE PEKING CONSULAR CORPS.

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE PEKING PRESS IN HONG KONG ARE ALSO QUOTE DIPLOMATS UNQUOTE ACCORDING TO THEIR PASSPORTS.

MEMBERS OF THE CHINA RESOURCES STAFF, WHO HEAD MULTI-MILLION DOLLAR NEGOTIATIONS WITH WESTERN ORGANISATIONS. AND

STAFF OF THE BANK OF CHINA, THE MEN WHO HAVE TWO MAJOR ROLES IN THE ECONOMY OF THE COLONY: HANDLING THE VAST IN-FLOW

OF REMITTANCES FROM OVERSEAS CHINESE AND THE TRADE DEALS (MOSTLY INVOLVING HONG KONG FOOD) FROM CHINA.

MACLEHO SE

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SENT AT 26/09272 RD

HONG KONG STANDARD. APRIL 15πt' 73

-

Peking bid for

HK office:

No official

moves yet

BRITAIN is not going to allow China to establish an office in Hongkong at the moment. But the Foreign Office has admitted that the politically sensitive question is still being considered.

According to news agency reports from London, a Foreign Office spokesman told a press conference on Friday that Peking's proposal was "under review but not 1. "vely at present".

+

A

spokesma for the Hongkong Government saad in

statement yesterday That the question of a Chinese representabre coming into the Colony "hat not been muted

The Hongkong Government but it has been raised front time to time duping the past few year with the Brush Government

"So far as we know," said the $lalement "no official discussions are taking place at the in".

T

Observer in London clasın The British Government's hexilation over the question it is 15 yeast since Peking fast ninde the request waser from The supposition thai China wishes to establish a senior official liangkong who might interfere with the role of the coloral government here.

Experts

Hongkong

תון

however, disagree with

umpban and can see little hami in such an office being ket up.

Professor P. B. Harris of the Political Science Department of the Hongkong Unirealty told the longkong Standard yesterday that he saw renewed unese request s "extremely interesting" but not ma political manoeuvre.

H

the

Prol Ilarms sard that because Peking had mad request Instead of **demand" to Britam pigosted that Hungkong was being regarded with " Than degree of acceptance" by Chine. He saw the "staggering difference from the CS demands for representation in 1967

1 "Yolc of confidence in Hongkong".

The professor said "that he thought

"perfectly possible" that Britain would agree to the request ultimately. He said, however, that in view

of the legal and procedural complexities connected with Poking making further

recognition of Hongkong's colonul status, the capacchet of a Chinese representative would have to be "very clearly defined".

It was a possibility, "but a very unlikely one" that Peking intended the more political weapon. said Proj Harris.

He pointed out that China ready has a "fully equipped Trade Service in Hongkong al the Bank of China and he supposed that new office would be an "official" one. Prof Harris said that it was also possible that a senior official of The Bank may be appointed to the new post. thus avoiding aggravating Brush fear that à top

from Peking who could be seen at a public al representative would tike The poil.

man

Another China

expert. Professor Dut Shen-yu, political science levarer at the Chinese University also thought i likely

that the office would be sel

1..

"It will be an informal one which can handle not only Irude. bul other

+

including consulur and townsas matka he said. lie added that the office night also serve Lor Clunese exploratory discusIDES with the Tawan Gioremmail.

En

PELLING BEL

Mr Ma Man-fai, Chairman of the United Nations Association in Hongkong, disagreed with the professors. He said that although the Chinese would hol want to interfere in the dumetic affaus of Hongkong. it was inevitable that the offic would become involved because of the wishes of the people of the Colony.

H

" peñonally welcome the move. he said. "and 1 think the majonly of Hongkong People will be delighted". Mi

because the

Ma felt that

longkang Goverturient wer "paymg only tipservice" to Chinese

Focalisation, that

presentative would become " voice that the Govemment can respect".

Diplomati in the Colony KUTS that the proposed office would be polítically involved.

File.

19/5/1973

Reference StRD FED

Hansard Extract

Vol: 342 House of Commans

Co1:403

Lords

written

Oral

7

403

Hong Kong and

【9 MAY 1973]

HOUSE OF LORDS

Wednesday, 9th May, 1975

The House meat half past two of the clock: The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

Prayers-Read by the Lord Bishop of Portsmouth.

HONG KONG AND CHINESE REPRESENTATION

Chinese Representation

404

the success of the trade mission in China. and in view also of the great hopes that there are of developing trade with China, it would be a pity if this matter could not be dealt with in a manner satisfactory to both sides?

of

BARONESS 'TWEEDSMUIR BELHELVIE: My Lords, we certainly hope that it can be settled to the satis- faction of both sides. But we do not think that it has in fact any link with trade, which, as the noble Lord rightly said, is improving.

LORD BYERS: My Lords, may I ask the noble Baroness whether, parallel with

LORD BROCKWAY: My Lords, I beg this, it would not be possible to accelerate

leave to ask the Question which stands

in my name on the Order Paper.

The Question was as follows:

To ask Her Majesty's Government whether China bas requested the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Hong Kong: and, if so, what decision has been reached.

THE MINISTER OF STATE. FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE (BARONESS TWEEDSMDIR OF BELIELVIE): My Lords, the Chinese Government has proposed that a repre sentative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong Kong. This proposal is still under consideration.

LORD BROCKWAY: My Lords. I thank the noble Baroness for that Answer. May I ask her whether there is not increasing evidence that Peking recognises the value of Hong Kong separate and distinct from China an à link with the rest of the world, and may it not be that a diplomatic mission would stabilise this position immediately, what- ever the ultimate status of Hong Kong, particularly if democratic self-government is developed within Hong Kong itself?

BARONESS TWEEDSMUIR OF BELHELVIE: My Lords, I am not so sure about a diplomatic mission. The Chinese Foreign Minister has accepted my right honourable friend's invitation to visit this country, and although dates remain to he settled I think that perhaps that is the best way to pursue the matter.

LORD BESWICK: My Lords, is the nulle Ikutinieka aware that in view of

H.L. 23 D 2

the provision of a direct air link between Peking and Hong Kong for trade and other purposes? When I was in Peking that was what was required.

OF

BARONESS TWEEDSMUIR BELHELVIE: My Lords, the Chinese have suggested that talks about an air service agreement should take place in Peking at the end of May.

LORD SEGAL: My Lords, is not the present situation in Hong Kong suffi- ciently stable to justify a continuation of the status quot

BARONESS

OF

TWEEDSMUIR BELHELVIE: My Lords, it is perfectly true that there are well-established chan- nels of communication, and that is why my right honourable friend is giving this matter long and careful thought.

SCOTTISH HOUSING AND HOUSING ASSOCIATIONS

2.39 p.m.

The Earl of DUNDEE: My Lords, I beg leave to ask the Quartión which stands in my name on the Order Paper.

The Question was as follows:

Tisk Her Majesty's Government What functions they foresce for housing associations and housing socialios-in their proposal for solving the outstand- ing problem of Sportsh housing.

The MINISTER or STATE, SCOT. TISIL OFFICE (LORD POLWARTII): My

leofds, the Government look to the.. Housing Corporation under new Chairman, Lord Goodiem, to help the lic using associatiques and housing societies.

1

WEDNESDAY 9 MAY 1973

fan spanlı

THE LORD BROCKWAY:

To ask Her Majesty's Government whether China has requested the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Hong Kong; and, of so, what decision has been reached.

ANSWER

(BARONESS TWEEDSMUIR OF BELHELVIE, MINISTER OF STATE, FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE)

My Lords, The Chinese Government has proposed that a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong Kong. This proposal is still under consideration.

/ 3

supup.

(17296) DL297473 Im 12/72 0.WB.Led Op.363

House of Lords

PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION

for ORAL answer on.

Wednesday 9 May

Mr. Davies, FED May we have your draft reply by 5 pm on Friday, 4 May please.

Lady Tweedsmuir's Office 17 April

WEDNESL

Td+

C

stablishment

ent at a digi muatic

History of the Request

In February 1956, the Chinese Government

proposed that a representative of the Ministry

of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong

Kong. In February 1958, the then Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs told the Chinese Chargé

d'Affaires that we could not agree to the proposal.

The Chinese Government revived their proposal in

March 1972. My Hon Friend, the Parliamentary

Under-Secretary of State (Mr Royle), and My Rt

Hon Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and

Commonwealth Affairs, discussed the subject with

members of the Chinese Government during their

visitSto Peking in 1972. The proposAT is still

under consideration.

Mr Clark

Mr Evans

A

B & C

D

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1=

Mr Kevin Sinclair, the Daily Express correspondent in Hong Kong, has sent a further telegram to Mr Royle, to follow up his earlier exchange. Mr Sinclair was the author of the front page article in the South China Morning Post of 26 April reported in Hong Kong telegram no. 445.

2. Mr Guest has minuted that in replying to Mr Sinclair's request, Mr Royle naturally feels he cannot go any further than Lady Tweedsmuir, who will be answering a Parliamentary Question on this subject today.

3. I think we might ask the Governor to try to persuade Mr Sinclair to avoid this channel of communication in future since he derives no benefit from it (and it involves everybody in a certain amount of unnecessary work).

4.

I submit a draft telegram. HKIOD and News Department

concur.

9 May 1973

H L. Davies

Far Eastern Department

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CONFIDENTIAL

SECRETS

mi Crowson. M. Clark-

Pe

183

49A

speck; a bow Th and Richard Hughes's

rece

GOVERNMENT HOUSE

HONG KONG

äride in the

Economist.

香港總督府

II

TS 2/1126/50

R.B.

Des Michat.

15/5.

3/3.:!

Enter

4th May 1973 FED comment for.

FED. for

used in briefing. Mu

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG

Thank you for your letter of 17 April.

I agree that CH'IAO Kuan-hua went no further with Charles Smith than he did with Mr. Royle last June. In many ways what he said reflects more closely what CHANG Wen-chin had to say to Denis Greenhill in October.

2.

14/

Naturally Smith's story has been widely taken up in the local press. The piece by Kevin Sinclair in the "South China Morning Post of 26 April (our telegram No. 445) perhaps went into the most detail. There has been a certain amount of editorial comment. Initially some of this was superficially favourable to what was known of the Chinese proposal; this was an entirely predictable piece of re-insurance and should not be taken to reflect the real views of the Chinese community in Hong Kong. You will have seen the piece in last week's Far Eastern Economic Review, which suggested that in return for accepting a representative we should get some promise that the New Territories lease should at least run its course. (Any such promise would of course be quite meaningless, and Derek Davies should know better than to suggest such a deal). Middle-of-the-road comment in the Chinese press has suggested that, although representation was a natural step on the path of the normalisation of relations with China, if the proposal was accepted the terms of reference of the representative should be closely written so that he had no right to concern himself with Hong Kong's internal affairs or with the activities of Chinese people here. The right-wing press has naturally been more openly opposed to the proposal. Although the implication of much of what has been written is that a representative may one day be

K.M. Wilford Esq., CMG

SECRET

SECRET

2.

Thaur

the amph :

allowed, the conditions suggested for his acceptance are such as to negate the generally forthcoming tone of the editorials. Indeed a group of leading Chinese editors explained to Jack Cater that while

of course they were completely opposed to the idea, 1

they felt they had to be careful what they wrote. they wrote too openly against the idea, and then

If

a Representative came, their position would be difficult. The editorial in the South China Morning Post" of 30 April (copy enclosed) reflects a fairly mature

3.

The story was probably as responsible as any other factor for knocking 300 points off the Hang Seng stock exchange index.

4.

Dick

The public airing of the proposal appears to have caught the local communist hierarchy on the hop and unbriefed. Our own sources suggest that there has been no officially-inspired discussion at least in the middle and lower echelons in Hong Kong, and there has been a tendency to discount the reliability of the accounts in the newspapers. Stratton's letter of 25 April to Richard Evans related the very negative attitude to the proposal taken by K.C. Jay. To what extent this means that the local hierarchy are not at one with Peking on this is hard to say, but it is significant that they were not briefed by Peking on the deliberate airing of the issue with the Hong Kong journalists, and so were caught short when the story broke. I listed Chinese motives for pressing for an official Representative in para 13(a) of my despatch of 11 January. I think one can now add to these a desire to oust the old brigade, bring in new blood, and impose direct Peking (MFA) control. They are proceeding with this anyway but it would obviously be timely, from their point of view, to give the reformed mission official status. Of course if I am right, this would account for the surprising absence of briefing of the local hierarchy by Peking.

5.

I fully agree that we need not change our negotiating position for the air services talks. I expect that representation will come up at some point during the discussions, but not necessarily in

SECRET

SECRET

3.

A contingency brust with the mended for

M

the first round or indeed at the negotiating table itself. If it is raised formally we may then have to consider whether the Secretary of State should be advised to get his reply in, if only to clear the air. But this is for the future. We look forward to seeing the British team in Hong Kong at the end of the month. One problem will be to ensure that if the issue does arise the strong BOAC element in the team are aware of the implications (assuming that they will be present at the more general, non-technical discussions).

5.

On your paragraph 4: one would like

His

to see the full text. At first sight in view of what he said afterwards it may be that what CH'IAO meant was that the problem of Hong Kong's future need not come up for some time. I don't think one can read into it any wish for early reversion. claim that there was no time to discuss representation during his visit to London last autumn is presumably Ye quite disingenuous. The same would be true of a

similar claim in respect of subsequent meetings between British and Chinese ministers, when the matter was not mentioned.

6.

I am sending a copy of this to

Morgan in Peking.

Yes, but Ika

Chinese have a

strong sense of

propnciy

она

Foreign

off are are only

Mu

Y-.

discussed by foreign to incsting Ministes.

R.E. 1575.

SECRET

1

Soul: China Morning Post

MONDAY, APRIL 30, 1973

Confidence must be our first concern

In any consideration of official Chinese representation in Hongkong the dominant issue is not whether the Chinese authorities desire it, but how it can be resolved without disturbing the confidence of the people of Hongkong-

"It wit be generally agreed that in the state of relations between Hongkong and China today any move this community can make to develop closer ties with a country so deeply linked by blood, culture, custom and commerce, is a step in the right direction.

Indeed, this newspaper has suggested a number of ways in which Hongkong and China could become more, closely linked such as container transportation, communications and economic services..

China is now reported to have expressed a desire to be represented by some more official presence. And it is likely that people here will, in time, accept this as being in the best interests of Hongkong and China.

It would be wrong, however, to plunge into this without recognising that there are substantial doubts about the consequences; these stem less from the role which the Chinese Government might expect their representative to play than the way in which his position might be exploited here.

It is admittedly unlikely that the Chinese authorities would appoint a consul-general to a territory which they do not consider to be "foreign."

There are, however, other titles which could be devised to make this distinction, though this is of far less concern to people in Hongkong, who have long accepted Chinese statemeats on the future of the Colony with equanimity, than the duties lie is accorded.

+

The main demand is likely to be that any official representative should deal purely with official business but in no way involve himself with domestic matters which remain the sole concern of the Hongkong Government.

If there were to be any departure from this principle it would very rapidly lead to a damaging loss of confidence with serious repercussions on the social and economic fabric of Hongkong.

Moreover, any breach could lead to a rapid deterioration in relations which would be inimical to Hongkong's interests AS well 85 an embarrassment to China.

These are just some of the reasons why the proposal deserves very careful thought in Peking, London and Hongkong before it is taken any further.

In the meantime, it is difficult to believe that the continued absence of an official representative can pose any greater difficulties or problems to Peking than it has experienced in the past 24 years.

Indeed, during this time we have advanced a long way to setting up good contacts at official levels which have proved hoth practical and workable and have resulted in smooth relations in matters such as communications, rail and sea links, trade, travel, finance and banking, to name the most obvious,

Hongkong welcomes this trend as a tangible expression of ever-improving relations. Our mais desire, however, is to ensure that any further step we take contributes to the

+

+

SECRET & PERSONAL

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ва 7/5"

MiCurr Midories /

Dar

H.T.J.O. Dept.

BRITISH EMBASSY

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R.E.

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Foreign and Commonwealth Office

PARDON DN1

Dear Michael,

38

@

Yes.

R.E.

7/5.

CLARE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1 Thank you for a copy of your letter of 17 april and of Charles omith's record. it is inter-stin, that Ch'iao Auan-bua should arrogated to himself with what has traditionally been chou n-lai's role in providing leaks to non-officials designed afarently to influence a Government's policy.

2 un the face of it, Un'iao's remarks on the future of mong kong represent a tightening of the time-scale since Chi E'eng fei told the secretary of state on 31 uctober last year that "Hi Government should be clear about China's general policy; that they are not in a hurry to recover uong kong". But uni did not of course say, nor so far as I am aware has vhou ever said, that 1998 is the earliest date that the chinese would expect to rɩcover ang nong. it would not be characteristic of the chinese to close their options in this way. Moreover, the chinese nave clearly uerived encouragement from further developments in the rar Lastern situation during the last six montus and their curious ceremony in the ureat all of the reople on 28 rebruary suggests that they may Low see some real prospect over the I wonder. Dext few years of a Taiwan reunification which would in turn influence the лong nong relationship.

R.E.

7/5.

3

üh'iao's remarks art tous not definite enoughto indicate a change of policy on the long term issue; but I think we snould interpret them (since he would have expected them to get back to us) as an attempt to soften us up and, at the

SECRET & FEROVNAL

2/.....

アー

DEURE) AND PERSONAL

- 2 -

same time, as a ballon d'essai on the question of official representation. what we have seen from here of public reaction in mong song and London may, I think, have con- firmed the chinese in their view that taey can tighten the screws without riskin, too much. However, in the snort term, the Chinese Goverment has as much interest as we have in the maintenance of Jusiness confidence and stacility in nong kong and this in turn will strengthen our hand in dealing with any pressures. I agree, therefore, that

ing

Ch'iao's remarks should not influence our initial, position /negotiat- in the forthcoming talks on an air services agreement. But we must recognise that we may encounter obstacles that have more to do with Chinese tactics for securing their objective on representation than with the merits of the case itself.

I am still sponnistic

That the Chinese will

or link mero issues

during our tovincomming talks with Them.

R.E.

Your Ey

Jhorl.

(Mn Morgan)

7/5.

Copied to: oir hurray maclehose aʊNG MBE

Governor of dong hong

DELMET AND PERSONAL

Caliberia!

EXTRACT

Extract Trae Eastcend Economic Review

25/25/23

73

OUR MAN IN HONGKONG

CHINA is continuing the process of establishing Triendly bilateral relations with the countries on its periphery, with the obvious exception of the Soviet Union. It is hardly conceivable that in 12 months' Lime, China's relations with India and Bangladesh will be as artificially strained as they are today. It is even possible that China will close the circle. Just as Peking's vitriolic attacks on US imperialism rose lo a climax prior to the arrival in China of Henry Kissin- ger, so the level of abuse being directed against Mos- cow today could conceivably presage an attempt to achieve a détente with the "social imperialists.

1

The revival of the suggestion that China should et up a representative government office in Hong- kong must be seen within the context of China's eneral campaign to clear the decks of any obstacles that could impede the smooth operation of its for- ign relations and foreign trade. Peking has given various verbal assurances to British ministers that the question of Hongkong is of no particular mo- inent and can wait until the problem of Taiwan has een settled. China's need to import sophisticated foreign technology makes Hongkong's contribution to its foreign reserves now running at about £500 nillion (US$1,245 million) annually an essential Factor in China's economic equation, for the recent barvest setbacks will ensure that Peking will go on mporting cereals at least for the next few years, vhile its generous foreign aki programme also cats nto the limited supply of hard cash. An official nission could facilitate the flow of trade and could cuarantee that Hongkong would more efficiently ex- and its future role as a "shop window" for foreign technology on China's doorstep, within a commu- nity offering no political challenge to China which obviates the need to have foreign sales representa tives stationed permanently in Peking or Canton.

Counting tomorrows

-

At first glance, it would appear that the advan- ages to Hongkong would be even greater than those iccruing to China. By establishing such a mission, Peking would come close to giving de Jure recogni- on to the "separateness" of the enclave on its oast, thus conferring an even longer term future on community which has until recently been unable To count its tomorrows.

Nevertheless, Hongkong and Britain (which will be the final arbiter of the response to Peking) are de- ermined to look this gift horse very cautiously in he mouth. The colony's past experience of a Chi- ese commissioner who represented the Nationalist Government until 1950 was not a happy one. Less Trusting souls recall the excesses of the 1967 riots

nd ask themselves how much more embarrassed the

P

Hongkong Government would have been had there been a Peking representative in the colony at that time.*

But even if China's foreign policies do not change drainatically yet again, the head of any such mission would be an obvious target for petitions from disgruntled elements in Hongkong's society, from striking schoolteachers and evicled tenants to those resentful of increased Crown tents and the landlords of opium divans and unregistered doctors operating within the "Walled City." Presumably Hongkong will want a fairly watertight guarantee that the mission would not give l'eking's backing to such causes. If not, the Governor could easily find himself in the situation feared by one of his prede- cessors, Sir Alexander Grantham, who was against the proposal (when mooted in 1956) on the ground that it would present him with a "rival" governor.

A question of face

On the other hand, Hongkong's colonial, proto- colaire society does not accord proper prestige to the Government of the People's Republic - diplo matically or socially. It is widely recognised that the heads of the New China News Agency, the Bank of China and of the other branches of China's govern- ment in Hongkong are in every sense official re- presentatives (a fact which in itself disposes of most of Hongkong's worries about how the head of a Pe- king mission would conduct himself). Inadequate steps are taken to ensure that these distinguished men are accorded their proper importance within the life of the colony.

On balance, it would seem that the gains to Hongkong's status and the other marginal advan- tages which would accrue from such a mission out- weigh the possible disadvantages listed by the cau- tious. Another factor which must now enter into the calculations is the loss of goodwill that would result from a refusal by London to respond to Peking's feelers.

There is one way of swinging the scales defini- Lively in Hongkong's favour. London could point out to Peking that Hongkong exists today by virtue of certain 19th-century treaties denounced by China as "unequal" and therefore invalid. If China is to establish an official mission in Hongkong, London coukl justifiably ask China to take advantage of the occasion to state in black and white that it was will. ing, of its own volition and obviously under no duress, at least to let the New Territories lease run its course. It would be a fair request, and there is no reason China should remain enigmatically evasive on the issue. With such a guarantee, Hongkong could welcome with open arms the arrival of Peking's man.

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST

APRIL 18H 73

L

Peking office will

'solve snago

Peking. Apr. 17. The Chinese Government favours opening "representative organisation" in Hongkong, an authoritative Chinese source said today.

He was commenting na reports from London concerning the eventual opening of a Chinese mission in the Bitish Colony,

"The Chinese Government has already posed the problem of establishing a representative organisation of the Chinese Government in Hongkong," the source said.

"The Chinese Government considers that establishment of such an organisation would be useful for resaiving many concrele problems between Kwangchow (Canton) and Hongkong.

H

He did not specify the nature of the "representative organisation" that Was envisaged. However, observers here excluded the possibility that it would be a consulate. For Peking, the British Colony 19 an integral part of Chinese

territory.

The comments. of the authoritative Chinese source left the impression in the question of a "representative organisation" in Hongkong had been raised several times.

Reports from Hongkong recently indicated that that was the case.

- AFP.

L

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31

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Mr Wilford

Wilto:

Mr Goodenough

Parliamentary Unit

CONFIDENTIAL

A.&✓

FER

For off

LORD BROCKWAY: PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION: CHINESE OFFICIAL

REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

I submit a draft reply and draft Notes for Supplementaries.

They incorporate suggestions by the Governor of Hong Kong. The

Embassy at Peking concur. I also submit a background note on

the history of the problem and our current attitude towards it.

2. Lord Brockway's interest in the subject will have been

aroused by a number of press articles on the subject, particularly

that in the Financial Times of 13 April.

3.

The Chinese last mentioned their proposal to us officially

on 29 December, when the Chinese Ambassador referred to it during

a call on the Permanent Under-Secretary. The Permanent Under-

Secretary told the Ambassador that the Secretary of State was

giving the matter his personal consideration, but that, because

of the problems this raised for us, this consideration would have

to be long and careful. The Secretary of State intends to give the Chinese Foreign Minister (Chi P'eng-fei) our definitive

answer when the latter visits Britain later this year. The visit

was postponed from February and new dates remain to be settled.

The Secretary of State did not think it appropriate to refer to

the subject when he met the Chinese Foreign Minister during the

Vietnam Peace Conference in Paris in February and the latter did

! not bring it up. When the Secretary of State does speak to Chi P'eng-fei, he will speak from the attached document and give Chi

whe

C

-

CONFIDENTIAL

/P'eng-fei

CONFIDENTIAL

A

E

F

P'eng-fei a copy (this document is very strictly Confidential

until the Secretary of State has given it to the Chinese).

Although the matter was not raised by the Chinese with

Mr Walker or Mr Heseltine during their visit to China in March,

the Chinese took advantage of the presence of British press men

in Peking to leak details of their proposal. The senior Chinese

Minister of Foreign Affairs "(Ch'iao/Kuan-hua) told Mr Alan Hare

and Mr Charles Smith of the Financial Times about it during a

discussion on 31 March (a transcript of the discussion has been

given to us on a confidential basis by the Financial Times).

As a result, the Secretary of State was questioned by the

Financial Times during an unattributable press briefing on

13 April. The Secretary of State said that the question of

official Chinese representation in Hong Kong had been a live one

for some time; it would need careful consideration. He did not

think, however, that the lack of a solution need hold up the

development of commercial relations between Britain and China.

Nor did he think that it would in fact have this effect.

The

Financial Times published an article on the following day.

There has been some subsequent publicity including a front page

article in the South China Morning Post, a leader in the Far

Eastern Economic Review and an article in the Economist,

The article in the South China Morning Post makes it clear that

Lord Brockway favours the Chinese proposal.

5.

хх

The Chinese decision to leak their proposal is part of a

well-established pattern in their negotiating tactics. When the

question of Chinese official representation was a live issue in the

1950s, the Chinese used precisely the same tactics; as a result,

Parliamentary interest was aroused. Mr Selwyn Lloyd replied to

/a Parliamentary

- 2 -

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

a Parliamentary question on the subject on 6 June 1956. During

the negotiations for the exchange of Ambassadors rakakians with

China, Chou En-lai leaked details of the talks to Mr Neville

Maxwell, who subsequently published a detailed article in the

Sunday Times.

16.

The subject is of considerable delicacy. On the one hand,

we do not wish to say anything publicly which could be interpreted

by the Chinese as shutting the door in their face before the

Secretary of State has spoken to the Chinese Foreign Minister.

On the other hand, we do not wish to imply that further study of

the proposal will lead us to accept it. The reply has been

[drafted with these considerations in mind.

7.

Hong Kong and Indian Ocean Department concur.

3 May 1973

R.M. Evens

R M Evans

Far Eastern Department

When hady Turademir has rear the pp she

aught

and

like to have

Falk with F.E.D.

Ken Wilfe 40.

- 3-

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG BACKGROUND

1.

There is a long history to this problem. The Nationalist Government had an Official Commissioner in Hong Kong from 1945 to October 1949. He gave the Government of Hong Kong a great deal of trouble by, for example, claiming a status superior to that of the consular representatives of other countries. 2. In February 1956 the present Chinese Government formally proposed to our Chargé d'Affaires in Peking that they should

be allowed to establish in Hong Kong an "Office of a Commissioner of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China". We told the Chinese in February 1958 that we could not agree to this proposal.

3. When agreement was reached on the exchange of Ambassadors in March 1972 the Chinese formally revived their 1956 proposal on Representation. It was discussed at some length during both Mr Royle's visit to Peking in May and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary's visit in October. Both Mr Royle and Sir Alec Douglas-Home told the Chinese that we could not accept their proposal. The Chinese asked us to give further consideration to it. The Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary agreed to do so but he held out no hope that he would change his mind. Не intends to take the matter up with the Chinese Foreign Minister when the latter visits Britain later this year.

i 4+

The main reason for our dislike of the Chinese proposal is that we believe the establishment of a representative of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs would have a strongly adverse effect on confidence in the future of the Colony. We do not believe that sufficient practical benefits would accrue to justify the risk of such an appointment. There are already a large number of Chinese Government officials in Hong Kong (eg in the Bank of China, NCNA and the China Travel Service) who deal very efficiently with all practical questions of commerce, culture, information and transport.

N.C.HR. Cauchina News Dying-

New

CONFIDENTIAL

[

+

+

FINANCIAL TIMES ·

China presses

+

for envoy

in Hong Kong

BY CHARLES SMITH, FAR EAST CORRESPONDENT

+

FS

PBH

• PUSIR Av. Pusos

L

L

1 3 APR 1973

Cha

APR 1973 19

-

+

to F considerable / with the question of representative.

Rejected

| GHINA HAS been exerting pres- vice to China, but the flow is sure on Britain so agree to the taken that this matter is con appoinuneat of A0 offical nected Chinese representative in Hoaz extent Kong. British reluctance 10 agree to this proposal could delay the settlement of other bilateral issues between the two countries, including plans for the opening of a BOAC scheduled

· service to Peking or Shanghai

This has emerged from sources In both London and Peking, altbruch China's sense of

P

Although Chinese officials regard the whole question of

■ representative in Hong Kong as being

I mature for solution the issue is not a new one.

It was Arst raised by the urgency over the matter may Chinese Government la February, not, as gel, be fully shared by 1936, and rejected two years Britain.

later by Britain, China raised the maiter again in the spring of 1971 and it is known to have come up in the jalka held in Peking last year by Sir Alec At the moment the People's Douglas Home. the Foreign Republic is represented in Hong Secretary, and Mr. Antbosy Kong by the director of the Royle, the junior Foreign Offica Hasibua" (New Ghora) News Minster responsible for Far Agency-in frangement which Eastern affairs.

Irony

bus continued since the estab Britain apparently avoided bshment of the Communist giving a direct answer to the régime in 1949, but which the Chinese proposal at both sets Government in Peking clearly of talks and the malter is still regards as anachronistic.

understood to be "under con

+

n

--

Chinese officials have com- sideration by the UK. Govern mented on the irony that ment. However there are obvious China should be about lo estab- Teasons why there should be Wish a liaison office in Washing, besitation about China's request. stop but cifrớt yet have a repre-

sentative on its own doorstep.

But i was assured in Pekine recently that the lack of a repre sentative office in Hong Kong poses + number of practical problems, particularly in the communications deld.

H

One is that an official Chinese representative LET Hong Kong could become a focus for polit cal activity in the Colony whether or not wanted this to happen.

China itself

Another fear is that the open- ing of a Chinese official missing might Imply a change "In the Colony's status which, at the very least, could undermine business confidence.

China claims it is not con- venient for members of lae Chinese Government in travel through Hong Kong while the Britain and China are representat.ve isque remains un- theoretically at nila over the settled (A recent case in point status of Hong Kong since the was the new Chinese ambassador U.K. regards the territory as a to Japan, who travelled by British Calogy while China sees special aircraft to Tokyo ratner, it is a piece of Chinese territory than pass through the British which has passed under foreigh Colony.)

administration as the result of

Officials in Peking have also an "unequal treaty." indiested there will be difficul-

tles about agreeing on the establishment of direct rail

Talks

link between Hong Kong and This disagreement

however,

Canton while what they regard has not prevented a smooth as the principal Isrue lo Hong Kong remains outstanding.

There is less precision in | Peking about the question of an ale services agreement and the start of a BOAC sebeduled ser

working relationship between Chine and Hong Kong and there have been no fears that Chioa

burry lo obtaio the

01

Colony's "reversion."

Whether or not China really means to link the Hong Kong representative (ssue with the proposed ROAC Mights late China, progress on the latter Issue appears to have been slow.

The text of an air services agreement has been presented to China by Britain but there bas still been no detailed Chinese reaction to the draft. It is hoped, however. That talks may get under way in London during the bext few weeks.

:

I

+

CONFIDENTIAL

Not the Used.

FORM OF WORDS TO BE USED BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN TALKING TO THE CHINESE FOREIGN MINISTER

"I discussed this subject with you and with the Prime

Minister when I visited China last autumn. I told the Prime

Minister on 1 November that I would like to think about the

matter and I would get in touch with you in due course.

"The positions of our two Governments on the status of

Hong Kong are necessarily different. But, as I see it, we have two important interests in common. These are to preserve the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and to preserve the relationship which has developed between our two countries. So far as Hong Kong is concerned, stability and prosperity depend on confidence. Confidence is a tender plant: it grows only slowly, but can wilt very quickly. If, as I believe, we share an interest in the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong, it follows that we also share an interest in the preservation

of confidence there.

"As far as the relations between Britain and China are

concerned, there can be no doubt that the situation in Hong Kong is a factor of importance. If, therefore, we share an interest

in preserving good relations between our two countries, we also share an interest in doing nothing in, or over, Hong Kong which could disturb the situation there.

"I have given most careful consideration to your proposal since I spoke to you and the Prime Minister last autum. In the light of this consideration I have come to the conclusion that the time is not ripe for a change in the pattern of your representation in Hong Kong. I would therefore ask you not to press your proposal. It is my judgement that it will be some time before circumstances might change in such a way as to warrant an alteration in the arrangements which now exist."

Approved by the seciciary 87-sicie

CONFIDENTIAL

R.E.

375.

Afidentid.

Transcript of arks about Hong Kong made by China's Vice Foreign Minister, Chiau Kuan-hua during an Interview with Alan Hare,

hanaging Director of the Financial Times and Charles Smith, Far East Correspondent of the Financial Times. The Interview was held in Peking on Friday, 30th March, 1973.

In response to a question (at the opening of the

interview) about the state of Sino-British relations, Chiao said

that, in general, relations were developing very smoothly. However,

there was one question which was "still not solved". This was the

question of the Chinese Government appointing a representative in

Hong Kong. If this matter was not settled, other questions "would

arise". Chiao said that relations between Canton and Hong Kong

were "very close" but many things "could become troublesome" without

a settlement of the representative issue. Hong Kong's relations

with the mainland were the same as they had been "since the Second

World War". At the moment, Chiao said, the Hsinhua director acted

as China's representative in the Colony.

Mr.

Chiao said that Premier Chou had discussed Hong Kong

"very clearly and frankly" with Sir Alec. But the British atill

seemed to feel "some difficulty" over the Chinese proposal.

Royle had said in June that Britain "wanted to keep the balance"

in Hong Kong. The proposal to station a representative in Hong Kong

had been made "a long time ago" but the time for solution of the

question was "now mature". Practical matters whose solution could

be facilitated by an agreement on the representative included the

establishment of air connections and a direct rail link between

Hong Kong and Canton and the issue of visas for China in Hong Korg.

Chiao said it was difficult to issue visas without an official

representative. He pointed out that China was about to open a

liaison office in Washington. It was ironic that it could not have

a representative in Hong Kong.

P

- 2

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P

ist

At the end of the interview, Chiao reverted to ilong; Kong and the question of BCAC flights arose. Chiao said he "believed it would be much easier for BOAC to fly to Teking" if the represent tive issue were settled. The representative issue and the question o*

airline connections were "connected to a considerable extent".

the moment it was "not impossible, but not convenient for Chinese officials to go to Hong Kong". China's ambassador to Japan went by special aircraft to Tokyo "otherwise he could have taken the Hong Kong route". In answer to questions about 1998, etc. Chiao said "the problem of Hong Kong's future does not lie in the long term".

The British public was "not clear about changes in the

world situation. 1998 is still 25 years away - with 25 years we

can work great changes". Changes in the world situation

"including the realignment of various forces" would continue and

would accelerate.

Chiao said that the representative issue had

not been discussed on his own visit to London because of lack of

time.

I

¿

F

·

J

+

IMMEDIATE CYPHER/CAT A

GIS 200

CONFIDENTIAL

FM FC 0 1217102

(FE)

CONFIDENTIAL.

+

DESKBY 135001Z BOTH,

TO IMMEDIATE GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELEGRAM NUMBER 365 OF 12 APRIL 1975

AID TO PEKING,

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

ON THE STRENGTH OF REMARKS MADE TO CHARLES SMITH OF THE FINANCIAL TIMES BY CH'IAQ XUAN-HUA AT A RECENT INTERVIEW IN PERING, SMITH'S COLLEAGUE ROBERT GRAHAM ASKED ME ABOUT THIS SUBJECT AT AN

UNATTRIBUTABLE BRIEFING WHICH I GAVE TO THE BRITISH DIPLOMATIC PRESS TODAY (12 APRIL). Į SAID THAT THE QUESTION OF OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG HAD BEEN A LIVE ONE FOR SOME

TIME: IT WOULD NEED CAREFUL. CONSIDERATION. I DID NOT THINK,

I

H

HOWEVER, THAT THE LACK OF A SOLUTION NEED HOLD UP THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA. NOR DID I THINK

THAT IT WOULD IN FACT HAVE THIS EFFECT.

2.

SMITH INTENDS TO PUBLISH A PIECE ON THE SUBJECT IN THE FINMICIAL TIMES TOMORROW (13 APRIL). WE HAVE PUT THE CHINESE PROPOSAL IN ITS HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND HAVE EXPHASIZED TO HIM THAT IT IS STILL UNDER

CONSIDERATION.

3.

CH'IAO KUAI!-HUA APPARENTLY TOLD SMITH THAT ONLY **ONE BIG PROBLEM'' REMAINED IN RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA: THE

QUESTION OF OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG. THE SOLUTION OF OTHER PROBLEMS, SUCH AS THE ISSUE OF VISAS · (WE. SHALL ASK SMITH TO ELUCIDATE THIS) AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AIR AND RAIL LINKS BETWEEN HONG KONG AND CANTON, WAS LINKED WITH ITS SOLUTION. IN ANSWER TO A QUESTION, CH'IAO SAID THAT THE GRANT TO BOAG OF A SERVICE TO CHINA WAS 'CONNECTED TO A CON31 DERABLE

EXTENT''.

:

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CONFIDENTIAL

/4. WE

CONFIDENTIAL

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4. WE SHALL TELEGRAPH FURTHER WHEN VE HAVE SEEN THE PRESS TOMORROW AND HAVE HAD TIME TO DIGEST THE IMPLICATIONS OF WHAT CH'|AO IS ALLEGED TO HAVE SAID.

DOUGLAS-HOME

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

FED

IKIOD

NEWS D

RESEARCH D (F E SECT)

+

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CONFIDENTIAL

+

·

A Cima

office in Hongkong

a certainty

By KI VIN SINGLADE

China is vir

hy certain to have a

"representative" office in alongkong within the next few years.

But just when it will be set up is the big question.

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MORNING POST

APRIL 26TH '73

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Lord Brockway said he

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year, when he was "overwhelmed" by an enthusiastic Cluese welcome and flew in a bronhijet murernft with an aid Britisie crew. back to Hongkong from Snanghai, he has been praising the "new China" in London.

It is known that Hongles; Governinent representatives have sent a full and detailed report to Fundon about the possibilities of establishnient here of a Chinese CHKAS

These arguments are, on the good sales

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points have been taken into ovnsiderainomi

Du tones of powce there will be no problems,but in times wi strife the establishment of an oificial Chinese office in the Colony would be a focal point for trouble.

This could have a crucial bearing on confidence in the Colony,

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The official Chinese representatives in Hongkong today, are split into three carefully selectou brunçõest

Buahua, the New Chian News Agency staff, of which the leading nienaber is Me Lat Weiln, who travels to an TEA

jolitarik passport which devandes son as a bona didel raconoce of the Peking consulart

The Poking guera in Hongkong are also "kliplomats" according to Thier passports.

ARRY

niembers

+

C. Maqbers of the China Resources staff, who head unula milion dollar negotia Tina with Western organisa- Don, and

¤ Staff of the Bank of Chun The unen who have two major roles in die economy as lae Colony: haruling the vast in Chow (nd vennittances Overticus Chinese and the trade denin (mostly involving Tiongkong food) from China.

UNGEN

Mituria!

OUR MAN IN HONGKONG

CHINA is continuing the process of estualishing friendly bilateral relations with the count on its periphery, with the obvious exception of the Soviet Union. It is hardly conceivable that in i 2 months' time, China's relations with India and Bangladesh will be as artificially strained as they are today. It is even possible that China will close the circle. Just as Peking's vitriolic attacks on US imperialism rose to a climax prior to the arrival in China of Henry Kissin- ger, so the level of abuse being directed against Mos- cow today could conceivably presage an attempt to achieve a détente with the "social imperialists."

--

J

The revival of the suggestion that China should up a representative government office in Hong- kong must be seen within the context of China's general campaign to clear the decks of any obstacles that could impede the smooth operation of its for- eign relations and foreign trade. Peking has given various verbal assurances to British ministers that the question of Hongkong is of no particular mo- ment and can wait until the problem of Taiwan has been settled. China's need to import sophisticated foreign technology makes Hongkong's contribution to its foreign reserves now running at about £500 Įmillion (US$1,245 million) annually an essential factor in China's economic equation, for the recent harvest setbacks will ensure that Peking will go on importing cereals at least for the next few years, while its generous foreign aid programme also cats into the limited supply of hard cash. An official ission could facilitate the flow of trade and could barantee that Hongkong would more efficiently ex- pand its future role as a "shop window" for foreign technology on China's doorstep, within a commu- nity offering no political challenge to China which obviates the need to have foreign sales representa tives stationed permanently in Peking or Canton.

Counting tomorrows

At first glance, it would appear that the advan- tages to Hongkong would be even greater than those accruing to China. By establishing such a mission, Peking would come close to giving de jure recogni" tion to the "separateness" of the enclave on ils coast, thus conferring an even longer term future on a community which has until recently been unable to count its tomorrows.

Nevertheless, Hongkong and Britain (which will be the final arbiter of the response to Peking) are de- termined to look this gift horse very cautiously in

e mouth. The colony's past experience of a Chi- hese commissioner who represented the Nationalist Government until 1950 was not a happy one. Less trusting souls recall the excesses of the 1967 riots and ask themselves how much more embarrassed the

Hongkong Goverment would have been had there been a Peking representative in the colony at that time.

4

But even if China's foreign policies do not change dramatically yet again, the head of any such mission would be an obvious target for petitions from disgruntled elements in Hongkong's society, from striking schoolteachers and evicted tenants to those resentful of increased Crown rents and the landlords of opium divans and unregistered doctors operating within the "Walled City," Presumably Hongkong will want a fairly watertight guarantee that the mission woukl not give Peking's backing to such causes. If not, the Governor could easily find himself in the situation feared by one of his prede- cessors, Sir Alexander Grantham, who was against the proposal (when mooted in 1956) on the ground that it would present him with a "rival" governor.

A question of face

On the other hand, Hongkong's colonial, proto colaire society does not accord proper prestige to the Government of the People's Republic - diplo- matically or socially. It is widely recognised that the heads of the New China News Agency, the Bank of China and of the other branches of China's govern- ment in Hongkong are in every sense official re- presentatives (a fact which in itself disposes of most of Hongkong's worries about how the head of a Pe- king mission would conduct himself). Inadequate steps are taken to ensure that these distinguished men are accorded their proper importance within the life of the colony.

On balance, it would seem that the gains to Hongkong's status and the other marginal advan- tages which would accrue from such a mission out- weigh the possible disadvantages listed by the cau- tious. Another factor which must now enter into the calculations is the loss of goodwill that would result from a refusal by London to respond to Peking's feelers.

There is one way of swinging the scales defini- tively in Hongkong's favour, London could point out to Peking that Hongkong exists today by virtue of certain 19th-century treaties denounced by China as "unequal" and therefore invalid. If China is to establish an official mission in Hongkong, London coukl justifiably ask China to take advantage of the occasion to state in black and white that it was will- ing, of its own volition and obvody under no duress, at least to let the New Territories leastrum its course. I would be a fair request, and there is no reason China should remain enignetically owave on the issue. With such a guarantee, Honkong Crukl welcome with open arms the arrival of Peking's man,

+

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storeys

INTERNATIONA REPORT

farmy.

China

No incentives, just due rewards

FILOM A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT

The trains now run faster-as well as on time-in China and the internal Purlines fly at night which they did not do on your correspondent's last visit

6 years ago. Today he purged victims of the cultural revolution are being quietly restored and production is being increased by higher wages and material incentives. There are confident assur- ances that the fatal recklessnesses of the 1958 great

leap-now cheerfully admitted will not be repeated. There wil more discretion, Bexibility and

planning," and "decentralised

adjustments."

COMNIUNG

Conditions vary from 1.5 commune and from Shanghai to Canton, even on the approved tours for "foreign friends" which, quite naturally and understandably, concentrate on model teamis and

brigades. The value of peasany Labour also varies: able-bodied hand working peasants are paid more Kan less productive comrades. "As Igde as production goes up, personal jécomes go up," the leader of the Ho La brigade

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The Economist Intelligence Unit

27 16. Jamar's Pizon, Løftes 5W LA INT

her

She want where they,

near lovely Wydih explained. In this showpiece commune which now deve- lops cultured pearls, though far less effectively man the Japanese do, a five- member family earned not quite £100 for 1,480 working days last year plus allotpients of grain, firewood, oil and vegetables. The family also grows vegetables on a private plot, whigh means one-sixtieth of an acre.

At another thriving brigade outsidej Canton, 547 out of 986 households had savings in the bank, a total of 150 houses had been built in the past two years and gra bicycles and 280 sewing machines had been bought. Briefings by singularly capable revolutionary com- mittee leaders stress "increased produc- tion for the state with wider distri bution for the passes." This principle differs from the sabotage operations carried out by the disgraced Liu Shao- chi in the 60s, it is alleged, because Liu evilly put the individual ahead of the state while the party now, somehow, puts the state ahead of the individual though it relies on the same incentives.

Comrade Lu Wen-tsai, veteran phairman of the Shanghai number one steelworks, argued that Shanghai factories were still untainted by material incentives. However, the fixed wage scales for workers vary from 42.50 yen a month to 126 and Comrade Lu him- self earns 200. This variation in the Shanghai wage levels reflected the degree of the worker's political con- sciousness, production level and years of experience." His own high wages, he explained, were due to his pre-libera- tion activity as a party member and had been fixed for different work in 1954.

**

THE ECONOMIST APRIJA 28, 1973

In Shanghai, Peking Cantors and the provinces, it is still frightening to listen to clear-eyed young students and workers-hand-picked, of course--in- sisting that they want only to continue in their present humble miles, to po only where the party sends them, to develop no personal ambitions or indi- vidual ralents in any foreseeable circuro- stanges. Yet the column of about poo young persons, seen by chance trudging

the station in Shanghai under evic- tion from their homes to some strangg rural setting, looked neither joyful pe expectant. One million have been práns- ferred from Shanghai alone in Me past five years.

Hongkong and China Ever closer

FROM OUR HONGKONG CORRESPONDENT

Peking's revived interest in opening a Chinese mission in Hongkong has caused no surprise here. The Chinese have already renovated an official rel= dence on Barker Road on the peak -which was once barred to all Chiues". Appropriately it is across the road fron the home of the American consul genera), where agents from the Central Intelligence Agency, lying on their stomachs around the pool, could f necessary photograph all visitors.

The last time the proposal for official diplomatic representation was openly made was in 1956, but the governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, objecte-l vigorously to the concept of "twin governors for the colony. Now the mood has changed and although the matter will be officially decided br tween Peking and London, opinion in Hongkong strongly favours the pr

per- posal.

The last mainland representation in Hongkong belonged to the Kuomin- tang, whose chief angrily departed for Brazil in 1950 after Britain recognised. China. Apart from the red guard violence in Hongkong in 1967, which was directed from bellicose Canton and not from Peking, Chiang Kai-shek was always more hostile to the colony than Mao has been, A Peking liaison office in Hongkong is likely to hasten another decision the restoration of direct rail- way passenger traffic between Canton and Hongkong, without the irritating train change at the border. After all,

large Peking mission recently visited Hongkong to discuss with imperialist interests the adaptation of western methods of hotel administration for the "middle kingdom"-or, ratlier, the

middle peopledorn.

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CHINA (RELATIONS WITH

HONG KONG

42. Mr. Younger asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what request he has received from the Government of the People's Republic of China for the establishment of relations with the Gov- ernment of Hong Kong and what answer has been returned,

Mr. Selwyn Lloyd: On 25th February the Chinese Government informed Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires in Peking that they would like to establish in Hong Kong an office of a Commissioner of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China with diplomatic and other staff. This proposal raises a number of issues which are still under consideration.

Mr. Younger: Is the Foreign Secretary aware that in a recent public statement Mr. Chou En-lai said that this was one of a number of matters which made an improvement in relations between the two countries difficult? Since this request apparently came in February, is it not about time that Her Majesty's Govern- ment made up their minds about what scems to be a quite normal proposal between States which recognise each other diplomatically?

Mr. Lloyd: I think that upon reflection the right hon. Member will realise that this question does raise a number of points. I do not think that real complaint can be taken about the time which wo have so far taken to consider the matter. After all, it was about four years after the Labour Government recognised them that the Chinese Government decided to send a chargé d'affaires to London. These matters want consideration, and we will consider them.

-3 JUN 1950

WEDNESDAY 9 MAY 1973

THE LORD BROCKWAY:

To ask Her Majesty's Government whether China has requested the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Hong Kong; and, of so, what decision has been reached.

ANSWER

(BARONESS TWEEDSMUIR OF BELHELVIE, MINISTER OF STATE, FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE)

My Lords, The Chinese Government has proposed that a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong Kong. This proposal is still under consideration.

REFERENCES

Confidential: The Secretary of State's prepared reply to the Chinese

Flag A

Background Note on the problem

Flag B

Financial Times: 13 April 1973

Flag C

Flag D

Flag F Flag F Flag G

Transcript of Vice-Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua's remarks: 30 March 1973

FCO Telegram No 365 to Hong Kong: 12 April 1973 Recent press reports

Mr Selwyn Lloyd's reply to Mr Younger's PQ: Hansard 6 June 1956

NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES

When did the Chinese last refer to the matter?

1. It was last raised during the visit of My Rt Hon Friend

to Peking in November 1972.

ofs-

Was it mentioned during the visit of the Chinese Vice-Minister

of Foreign Affairs in November / the visit of the Chinese

Minister of Trade in January / the visit to China of the

Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in March?

2. No, My Lords.

How was the matter left?

3. My Rt Hon Friend told the Chinese Prime Minister that he

would like to think about the matter. As I have said, the

proposal is still under consideration.

Is it not reasonable that the Chinese Government should have an

official representative in Hong Kong, particularly when many

other countries have Consulates and Commissions there?

particularly when 99% of Hong Kong's population is Chinese? /

particularly since the New Territories lease will expire in 1997?

4. The House will not expect me to debate the merits of the

Chinese proposal.

We are studying it in all its aspects.

1

How are day-to-day relations between Hong Kong and China now

A

conducted? ↑ H. G's Embarry - Peking-

!5.

L

There are well-established channels of communication

Then do HMG intend to reply?

2 Mikiai Paky

"(A)

6. My Rt Hon Friend told the Chinese Prime Minister that he

would like to think about the matter and that he would get in

touch with the Chinese Foreign Minister in due course.

When is the Chinese Foreign Minister due to visit Britain?

7. The Chinese Foreign Minister has accepted My Rt Hon

Friend's invitation to visit this country. Dates remain to be

Bettled.

l this issue affect commercial relations between Britain

and China?

18.

We see no reason why it need hold up the development of

our commercial relations.

Will this 188ue affect the negotiation of an Air Services

Agreement between Britain and China?

9. We see no connection between the two subjecta.

When will negotiations on the Air Services Agreement begin?

10. The Chinese have suggested that talks should take place

in Peking at the end of May.

That about better communications between Hong Kong and China?

11. We are in favour of improved links. Cable and telephone

communications have recently been improved.

What about the future of Hong Kong?

| 12.

We and the Government of Hong Kong have every confidence

in the future of Hong Kong. We do not anticipate any change

in the foreseeable future.

/13. HISTORY OF THE REQUEST

F

2

*

HISTORY OF THE REQUEST

13. In February 1956, the Chinese Government proposed that a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong Kong. In February 1958, the then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs told the Chinese Chargé d'Affaires that we could not agree to the proposal. The Chinese Government revived their proposal in March 1972. My Hon Friend, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Mr Royle), and My Rt Hon Friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, discussed the subject with members of the Chinese

Government during their visits to Peking in 1972. (Noventa..)

- 3-

+

Mr Wilford

Mr Goodenough

Parliamentary Unit

For!

48

A

B

LORD BROCKWAY : PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION : CHINESE OFFICIAL

REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

I submit a draft reply and draft Notes for Supplementaries.

They incorporate suggestions by the Governor of Hong Kong. The

Embassy at Peking concur. I also submit a background note on

the history of the problem and our current attitude towards it.

2. Lord Brockway's interest in the subject will have been

aroused by a number of press articles on the subject, particularly

that in the Financial Times of 13 April.

3.

The Chinese last mentioned their proposal to us officially

on 29 December, when the Chinese Ambassador referred to it during

a call on the Permanent Under-Secretary. The Permanent Under-

Secretary told the Ambassador that the Secretary of State was

giving the matter his personal consideration, but that, because

of the problems this raised for us, this consideration would have

to be long and careful. The Secretary of State intends to give

the Chinese Foreign Minister (Chi P'eng-fei) our definitive

answer when the latter visits Britain later this year. The visit

was postponed from February and new dates remain to be settled.

The Secretary of State did not think it appropriate to refer to

the subject when he met the Chinese Foreign Minister during the

Vietnam Peace Conference in Paris in February and the latter did

not bring it up. When the Secretary of State does speak to Chi

P'eng-foi, he will speak from the attached document and give Chi

/P'eng-fei

1-

CONFIDENTIAL

.

!

1

A

E

F

P'eng-fei a copy (this document is very strictly Confidential

until the Secretary of State has given it to the Chinese).

4.

Although the matter was not raised by the Chinese with

Mr Walker or Mr Heseltine during their visit to China in March,

the Chinese took advantage of the presence of British press men

in Peking to leak details of their proposal. The senior Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs (Ch'iao Kuan-hua) told Mr Alan Hare

and Mr Charles Smith of the Financial Times about it during a

discussion on 31 March (a transcript of the discussion has been

given to us on a confidential basis by the Financial Times).

As a result, the Secretary of State was questioned by the

Financial Times during an unattributable press briefing on

13 April. The Secretary of State said that the question of

official Chinese representation in Hong Kong had been a live one

for some time; it would need careful consideration. He did not

think, however, that the lack of a solution need hold up the

development of commercial relations between Britain and China.

Nor did he think that it would in fact have this effect. The

Financial Times published an article on the following day.

There has been some subsequent publicity including a front page

article in the South China Morning Fost, a leader in the Far

Eastern Economic Review and an article in the Economist.

The article in the South China Morning Post makes it clear that

Lord Brockway favours the Chinese proposal.

5.

The Chinese decision to leak their proposal is part of a

well-established pattern in their negotiating tactics. When the

question of Chinese official representation was a live issue in the

1950s, the Chinese used precisely the same tactics; as a result,

Parliamentary interest was aroused. Mr Selwyn Lloyd replied to

/a Parliamentary

2

-

CONFIDENTIAL

+

·

a Parliamentary Question on the subject on 6 June 1956. During

the negotiations for the exchange of Ambassadors reikiama with

China, Chou En-lai leaked details of the talks to Mr Neville

Maxwell, who subsequently published a detailed article in the

Sunday Times.

6.

The subject is of considerable delicacy. On the one hand,

we do not wish to say anything publicly which could be interpreted

by the Chinese as shutting the door in their face before the

Secretary of State has spoken to the Chinese Foreign Minister.

On the other hand, we do not wish to imply that further study of

the proposal will lead us to accept it. The reply has been

drafted with these considerations in mind.

7.

Hong Kong and Indian Ocean Department concur.

R M Evans

3 May 1973

Far Eastern Department

- 3 -

CONFIDENTIAL

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T

1.vuse of Lord..

PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION

for ORAL│| answer on.

Wechesday 9 May

Day we love your draft reply by 5 pm on Friday, 4 Ilay please.

Lafly Tweedsmuir's uffice 17 April

WEDNESDAY THE 9TH OF MAY

**The Lord Brockway-To ask Her Majesty's Government whether Chinn hus requested the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Hong Kong; and, if so, what decision has been reached.

In February 1956, the Chinese Government

proposed that a representative of the Ministry

of Foreign Affairs should be established in Hong

Kong.

In February 1958, the then Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs told the Chinese Chargé

d'Affaires that we could not agree to the proposal.

The Chinese Government revived their proposal in

March 1972. My Hon Friend, the Parliamentary

Under-Secretary of State (Mr Royle), and My Rt

Hon Friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign and

Commonwealth Affairs, discussed the subject with

members of the Chinese Government during their

visit to Peking in 1972. The proposal is still

under consideration.

(1729) DL89747) 1= 12/73 0.1.3.IAL Oμ463

I

F

REFERENCES

Confidential: The Secretary of State's prepared reply to the Chinese

Flag A

Flag B

Background Note on the problem Financial Times: 13 April 1973

Flag C

Flag D

Flag E Flag F Flag G

Transcript of Vice-Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua's remarku: 30 March 1973

FCO Telegram No 365 to Hong Kong: 12 April 1973 Recent press reports

Mr Selwyn Lloyd's reply to Mr Younger's PQ: Hansard 6 June 1956

4

:

NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES

When did the Chinese last refer to the matter?

1. It was last raised during the visit of My Rt Hon Friend

to Peking in November 1972.

Was it mentioned during the visit of the Chinese Vice-l:inister

of Foreign Affairs in November the visit of the Chinese

Minister of Trade in January / the visit to China of the

Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in March?

2.

No, My Lorde.

How was the matter left?

3. My Rt Hon Friend told the Chinese Prime Minister that he

would like to think about the matter. As I have said, the

proposal is still under consideration.

Is it not reasonable that the Chinese Goverment should have an

official representative in Hong Kong, particularly when many

other countries have Consulates and Commissions there? /

particularly when 99% of Hong Kong's population is Chinese? /

particularly since the New Territories leage will expire in 1997?

Lin The House will not expect me to debate the merits of the

Chinese proposal. We are studying it in all its aspecta.

1

T

L

י

L

I

How are day-to-day relations between Hong Kong and China now

conducted?

5. There are well-established channels of communication.

When do HIG intend to reply?

6. My Rt Hon Friend told the Chinese Prime Minister that he

would like to think about the matter and that he would get in

touch with the Chinese Foreign Minister in due course,

When is the Chinese Foreign Minister due to visit Britain?

7. The Chinese Foreign Minister has accepted My Rt Hon

Friend's invitation to visit this country. Dates remain to be

settled.

Will this issue affect commercial relations between Britain

and China?

8. We see no reason why it need hold up the development of

our commercial relations.

Will this issue affect the negotiation of an Air Serviços

Agreement between ritain and China?

9. We see no connection between the two subjects.

When will negotiations on the Air Services Agreement begin?

10. The Chinese have suggested that talks should take place

in Peking at the end of May.

What about bettor communications between Hong Kong and China?

We are in favour of improved links. Cable and telephone

communications have recently been improved.

11.

What about the future of Hong Kong?

12.

We and the Government of Hong Kong have every confidence

in the future of Hong Kong. We do not anticipate any change

in the foreseeable future.

J

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P

L

CONFIDENTIAL

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG BACKGROUND

1.

There is a long history to this problem, The Nationalist Government had an Official Commissioner in Hong Kong from 1945 to October 1949. He gave the Government of Hong Kong a great deal of trouble by, for example, claiming a status superior to that of the consular representatives of other countries. 2. In February 1956 the present Chinese Government formally proposed to our Chargé d'Affaires in Peking that they should

be allowed to establish in Hong Kong an "Office of a Commissioner of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China".

We told

the Chinese in February 1958 that we could not agree to this

proposal.

3. When agreement was reached on the exchange of Ambassadora in March 1972 the Chinese formally revived their 1956 proposal on Representation. It was discussed at some length during both Mr Royle's visit to Peking in May and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary's visit in October. Both Mr Royle and Sir Alec Douglas-Home told the Chinese that we could not accept their proposal. The Chinese asked us to give further consideration to it. The Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary agreed to do so but he held out no hope that he would change his mind. He intends to take the matter up with the Chinese Foreign Minister when the latter visits Britain later this year.

4. The main reason for our dislike of the Chinese proposal is that we believe the establishment of a representative of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs would have a strongly adverse effect on confidence in the future of the Colony. We do not believe that sufficient practical benefits would accrue to justify the risk of such an appointment. There are already a large number of Chinese Government officials in Hong Kong (eg in the Bank of China, NCNA and the China Travel Service) who deal very efficiently with all practical questions of commerce, culture, information and transport.

CONFIDENTIAL

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CONFIDENTIAL

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witht widicate the situatio Privatly to the Editer whom I have known for me

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Mr yžíford

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CHINESE "REPRESENTATIVE" IN HONG KONG

BR.

1. Mr Royle suggested on Hong Kong telegram No 445 that it

might be indicated privately to the editor of the South China

Morning Fost that the paper has got his views on the question

of a Chinese representative upside down.

2 =

The trouble with telling newspaper men what Ministerial

views are not, is that this can indicate by elimination what

they really are. At this stage when we have not replied to

the Chinese Government, I think it might be unwise to correct

Sommal this report in any formedr way.

3. I therefore recommend that when I am in Hong Kong next

week, I should have a word with the Governor and suggest that,

if a convenient opportunity arises, he might suggest to a

suitable audience that Ministerial views are by no means as

decided as was suggested in the press.

2 May 1973

cc:-

Sir D Watson

Mr Evans (FED)

DCSL-

A C Stuart

Hong Kong & Indian Ocean Dept

I take it would

a

food rom

M. Stuart to disar of tactics with the

fr

gov. for washing this problem. Paradoxically pubdaty

new kecent weeks hoo helped vatter than hindered

my wew

It has been much laro anbarrang

than me might hause Hought

CONFIDENTIAL

Kunhilfer 3% Kumholfow

IMMEDIATE CYPHER CAT A GFS 30

CONFIDENTIAL

For 3/307/1

FM PEKING Ø2542%Z

CONFIDENTIAL

/1973

TOP CORY

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 540 OF 2 MAY INFO IMMEDIATE GOVERNOR HONG KONG (PERSONAL),

ALY

YOUR TEWPO 425 TO HONG KONG: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG,

1. I AGREE WITH THE DRAFT ANSWER AND NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES.

MORGAN

FILES

FED

HKIOD

PUSD

SIR E NORRIS

MR WILFORD

CONFIDENTIAL

IMMEDIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

GPS 250

FM HONG KONG #20850Z

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

1973

FEH

3/302/1

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 475 OF 2 MAY/INFO PRIORITY PEKING,

YOUR TELNO 425 AND PEKING TELEGRAM TO YOU NUMBER 546 CHINESE

REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

I AGREE WITH THE GENERAL LINE OF THE PROPOSED ANSWER AND I

CONSIDER THAT THE NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES COVER ALL THE NECESSARY

POINTS. I HAVE A FEW MINOR COMMENTS TO OFFER:

(1) I SUGGEST THAT THE WORDS QUOTE IN THE PRESENT CLIMATE OF

RELATIONS UNQUOTE AT THE END OF THE SECOND SENTENCE OF THE

SUBSTANTIVE ANSWER SHOULD BE OMITTED: ALTHOUGH FACTUALLY CORRECT THEY SEEM TO ME TO INVITE THE ENQUIRY WHY, NOW THAT RELATIONS HAVE EVIDENTLY IMPROVED, WE ARE DELAYING ACCEPTANCE OF THE RENEWED CHINESE REQUEST,

(2) I THINK THE WORD QUOTE RAISED UNQUOTE WOULD BE BETTER THAN

QUOTE DISCUSSED UNQUOTE IN THE FIRST SENTENCE OF THE FIRST SUPPLEMENTARY ANSWER.

(3) I SUGGEST THAT THE WORDS QUOTE BETWEEN THE TWO GOVERNMENTS

UNQUOTE IN THE PROPOSED ANSWER TO THE THIRD SUPPLEMENTARY SHOULD

BE REPLACED BY QUOTE ON SUCH MATTERS UNQUOTE. THE C.P.G. MAINTAINS

THAT WE ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT' BUT AN 'AUTHORITY', I SEE NO NEED TO OFFEND THEM ON THIS SEMANTIC ISSUE ON SUCH A PUBLIC, AND NO DOUBT MUCH-PUBLICISED OCCASION.

(4) THE SIXTH SUPPLEMENTARY QUESTION MIGHT PERHAPS BE EXPANDED TO EMBRACE SINO-BRITISH TRADE AND IF ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY SINO-HONG

KONG RELATIONS, AS WELL AS AN AIR SERVICES AGREEMENT.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

FED

HKIOD

PUSD

SIR E NORRIS

MR WILFORD

CONFIDENTIAL

کر رہا

520

IMMEDIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

+

CONFIDENTIAL

гонорарка

(FE)

FM F C 0 8115J0Z

CONFIDENTIAL.

TO IMMEDIATE GOVERNOR HONG KONG (PERSONAL) TELEGRAM NUMBER 425 OF 1 AY1?3 TO PEKING.

34

MY TELEGRAM NO 388 : CILHESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

THE FOLLOWING IS OUR DRAFT ANSWER TO LORD BROCKWAY'S PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION, TOCETHER WITH DRAFT NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES. GRATEFUL FOR YOUR COMMENTS BY 1200Z ON 3 MAY.

ANSWER: **IN FEBRUARY 1956, THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT PROPOSED THAT A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS SHOULD BE ESTABLISHED IN HONG KONG. IN FEBRUARY 1950, THE THEN SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS TOLD THE CHINESE CHARGE D'AFFAIRES THAT

WE COULD NOT AGREE TO THE APPOINTMENT IN THE PRESENT CLIMATE OF

RELATIONS. THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT REVIVED THEIR PROPOSAL IN MARCH 1972, MY HON FRIEND, THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE (MR ROYLE), AND MY RT HON FRIEND, THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN

AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS, DISCUSSED THE SUBJECT WITH MEMBERS OF THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT DURING THEIR VISITS TO PEKING IN 1972. THE

PROPOSAL IS STILL UNDER CONSIDERATION?".

NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES

WHEN DID THE CHINESE LAST REFER TO THE MATTER?

IT WAS LAST DISCUSSED DURING THE VISIT OF MY RT HON FRIEND TO PEKING IN NOVEMBER 1972. WAS IT PENTIONED DURING THE VISIT OF THE CHINESE VICE-M1||STER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN NOVEMBER/ THE VISIT OF THE CHINESE MINISTER OF TRADE IN JANUARY/ THE VISIT TO CHINA OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR TRADE AND INDUSTRY IN MARCH?

NO.

CONFIDENTI AL

/HOW

HOW WAS THE MATTER LEFT?

CONFIDENTIAL

MY RT HON FRIEND TOLD THE CHINESE PRIME MINISTER THAT HE WOULD

LIKE TO THINK ABOUT THE MATTER. AS I HAVE SAID, THE PROPOSAL 15 STILL UNDER CONSIDERATION.

IS IT NOT REASONABLE THAT THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT SHOULD HAVE AN

OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIVE IN HONG KONG, PARTICULARLY WHEN MANY OTHER COUNTRIES HAVE CONSULATES AND COMMISSIONS THERE? / PARTICULARLY WHEN

99 PERCENT OF HONG KONG'S POPULATION IS CHINESE? / PARTICULARLY

SINCE THE NEW TERRITORIES LEASE WILL EXPIRE IN 1997?

THE HOUSE WILL NOT EXPECT ME TO DEBATE THE MERITS OF THE CHINESE

PROPOSAL. WE ARE STUDYING IT IN ALL ITS ASPECTS.

HOW ARE DAY-TO-DAY RELATIONS BETWEEN HONG KONG AND CHINA NOW

CONDUCTED?

THERE ARE WELL-ESTABLISHED CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION BETWEEN

THE TWO GOVERNMENTS.

WHEN DO HMG INTEND TO REPLY?

MY RT KON FRIEND TOLD THE CHINESE PRIME MINISTER THAT HE WOULD

LIKE TO THINK ABOUT THE MATTER AND THAT HE WOULD GET IN TOUCH WITH

THE CHINESE FOREIGN MINISTER IN DUE COURSE.

WIEN IS THE CHINESE FOREIGN MINISTER DUE TO VISIT BRITAIN?

THE CHINESE FOREIGN MINISTER HAS ACCEPTED MY RT HON FRIEND'S

INVITATION TO VISIT THIS COUNTRY, DATES REMAIN TO BE SETTLED.

WILL THIS ISSUE AFFECT THE NEGOTIATION OF AN AIR SERVICES

AGREEMENT BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA?

WE SEE NO CONNECTION BETWEEN THE TWO SUBJECTS,

WHEN WILL NEGOTIATIONS ON THE AIR SERVICES AGREEMENT BEGIN?

-2-

THE CHINESE

CONFIDENTIAL

·

CONFIDENTIAL

THE CHINESE HAVE SUGGESTED THAT TALKS SHOULD TAKE PLACE IN PEKING

AT THE END OF MAY.

WHAT ABOUT BETTER COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN HONG KONG AND CHINA?

WE ARE IN FAVOUR OF IMPROVED LINKS, CABLE AND TELEPHONE

COMMUNICATIONS HAVE RECENTLY BEEN IMPROVED.

WHAT ABOUT THE FUTURE OF HONG KONG?

WE AND THE GOVERNMENT OF HONG KONG HAVE EVERY CONFIDENCE IN THE

FUTURE OF HONG KONG, WE DO NOT ANTICIPATE ANY CHANGE IN THE

FORESEEABLE FUTURE.

DOUGLAS HOME

+

FILES

FED

HKI OD

PUS D

SIR E NORRIS

MR WILFORD

-3-

CONFIDENTIAL

160 A

PRIORITY

CYPHER/CAT A

FH F C O 301030Z

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

COP COPY

FEH 3/30/1

1973

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO 417 OF 38 APRIL INFO

PRIORITY PEKING

YOUR TELEGRAM NOS 444 AND 445: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG

KONG.

(FE)

1. MR ROYLE HAS RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM DATED 21 APRIL FROM MR KEVIN SINCLAIR, DAILY EXPRESS CORRESPONDENT IN HONG KONG: QUOTE WOULD APPRECIATE FULL STATEMENT ON PRESENT STATE OF DISCUSSION BETWEEN UNITED KINGDOM AND CHINA REGARDING ESTABLISHMENT

OF CHINESE DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG. UNDERSTAND THIS DISCUSSED BY YOU ON LAST VISIT PEKING AND WOULD BE GRATEFUL FULLEST DETAILS. REGARDS KEVIN SINCLAIR POSTSCRIPT HONG KONG

UN QUOTE.

2. PROVIDED YOU SEE NO OBJECTION, I WOULD BE GRATEFUL IF YOU WOULD PASS THE FOLLOWING REPLY TO MR SINCLAIR FROM MR ROYLE: QUOTE THANK YOU FOR YOUR! TELEGRAM OF 21 APRIL. MY COLLEAGUE LADY TWEEDUIR WILL BE ANSWERING A PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON THIS SUBJECT ON 9 MAY. I DO NOT THINK IT WOULD BE RIGHT FOR ME TO ANTICIPATE WIAT SHE WILL SAY.

I AM SORRY THAT I CANNOT BE MORE HELPFUL. KIND REGARDS, ANTHONY

ROYLE UNQUOTE.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

FED

HKIOD

NEWS D

PS/MR ROYLE MR WILFORD SIN E NORRIS

CONFIDENTIAL

Cutting dated

ECONOMIST

28 APR 1973

+

19

fürt

33./1

FE

Lety

HE

Hongkong and China

Ever closer

FROM QUA HONGKONG CORRESPONDENT

Peking's revived interest in opening a Chinese mission in Hongkong has caused no surprise here. The Chinese have already renovated an official resi dence on Barker Road on the peak ~~~~which was once barred to all Chinese. Appropriately it is across the road from the home of the American consul general, where agents from the Central Intelligence Agency, lying on their stomachs around the pool, could if necessary photograph all visitors.

two

The last time the proposal for official diplomatic representation was openly made was in 1955, but the governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, objected vigorously to the concept of governors for the colony." Now the mood has changed and although the matter will be officially decided be- tween Peking and London, opinion in Hongkong strongly favours the pro- posal.

The last mainland representation in Hongkong belonged to the Kuomin tang, whose chief angrily departed for Brazil in 1950 after Britain recognised China. Apart from the red guard violence in Hongkong in 1967, which was directed from bellicose Canton and not from Peking, Chiang Kai-shek was always more hostile to the colony than Mao has been. A Peking liaison office in Hongkong is likely to hasten another decision the restoration of direct rail- way passenger traffic between Canton and Hongkong, without the irritating train change at the border. After all, a large Peking mission recently visited Hongkong to discuss with imperialist interests the adaptation of western methods of hotel administration for the "middle kingdom "-or, rather, the middle peopledom.

:

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CONFIDENTIAL

Agreed.

feew & refting alterations. AR.

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Mr Evans

Mihorgan

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

Enter

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1. Kevin Sinclair the Daily Express correspondent in Hong

Kong has sent a telegram (attached) to Mr Royle asking for a

"full statement" on the present state of discussion between

the United Kingdom and China about Chinese official representa-

tion in Hong Kong. Press interest in this subject continues

in Hong Kong, as Hong Kong telegrams No 444 and No 445 make

clear.

2. Lord Brockway has put down a Parliamentary Question for

oral answer on 9 May. We are in the process of preparing a

draft reply. In these circumstances we could avoid the

problem of what to say to Mr Sinclair by referring him to what

Lady Tweedsmuir will say on 9 May. Mr Royle will not wish to

say anything about the content of his talks in Peking last June

which were confidential.

3. I submit a draft telegram to the Governor of Hong Kong,

asking him to pass on Mr Royle's reply to Mr Sinclair.

4.

HKIOD and News Department concur.

HL1 Davies

Far Eastern Department

27 April 1973 I Think Thai This is right.

agree

Kinhulfer A

FIDEN AL

1+

R.n. Evans

27 April, 1973.

I

ICES

CONSULT TELEPHONE

To send Telegrams DIRECTORY OR TELEX

DIALLING

CARD

NNNN

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CC JHK 100

ZCZC CLH544 LPG005X GLP695X GHAO50 HFA794 PC8176

BLH COAXAK 050

HONGKONG/ 50 21 1326

ANTHONY ROYLE

HOUSE OF COMMONS

LONDONSW 1

Artaten

Forici

Please. R

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cc also Joãos Dent.

21 APR.

ENQUIRIES DIAL

LHS1271

- CONSULT TELEPHONE

ELEX DIALLING

CARD

POST

OFFICE

INTERNATIONAL TELEGRAPH SERVICES

To send Telegrams

CONSU

DIRECTORY OR TELEX DI

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WOULD APPRECIATE FULL STATEMENT ON PRESENT STATE OF

DISCUSSION BETWEEN UNITED KINGDOM AND CHINA

REGARDING ESTABLISHMENT

OF CHINESE DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION IN

X

10

HONGKONG STOP UNDERSTAND THIS DISCUSSED BY YOU ON

LAST VISIT PEKING AND WOULD BE GRATEFUL ·

FULLEST DETAILS STOP REGARDS

KEVIN SINCLAIR POSTSCRIPT HONGKONG

POST

INTERNATIONAL TELEGRAPH SERVICES OFFICE

V

EN CLAIR GPS 900

Mr. Stuart (Hieros) night it not be indicated

FM HONG KONG 260846Z

UNCLASSIFIED

Privality to have got un views precis

I'm editor Itic i the

1973

an

ا

"upside down"!

TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 445 OF 26 APRILɅNFO PEKING.

ના

Spoken to 17o Rayle and to cater in Maytag

P/A

THE FOLLOWING IS THE FULL TEXT OF A FRONT PAGE ARTICLE WHICH APPEARED IN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST TODAY (THURSDAY) UNDER THE HEADING QUOTE A CHINA OFFICE IN HONG KONG A CERTAINTY UNQUOTE:-

CHINA IS VIRTUALLY CERTAIN TO HAVE A QUOTE REPRESENTATIVE

UNQUOTE OFFICE IN HONG KONG WITH THE NEXT FEW YEARS.

BUT JUST WHEN IT WILL BE SET UP IS THE BIG QUESTION.

2/6

TALKS AT A QUOTE SENIOR UNQUOTE LEVEL ARE BEING HELD IN WHITEHALL AND IN PEKING ABOUT THE FORMATION, THE STATUS AND THE LIKELY STAFFING OF THE CHINESE OFFICE IN HONG KONG.

BUT ALTHOUGH CHINA HAS RAISED THE QUESTION OF REPRESENTATION TWICE WITH DRITISH MINISTERS IN THE PAST YEAR IT HAS NOT REFN PRESSED RECENTLY AT MINISTERIAL LEVEL.

IT SEEMS LIKELY, HOWEVER, THAT A GO AHEAD WILL EVENTUALLY BE GIVEN BY LONDON DESPITE SOME RESERVATIONS BY OFFICIALS.

ONE OF THE FOREMOST ADVOCATES OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE_REPRESENT- ATION IN HONG KONG WITHIN THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT IS THE UNDER- SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS, MR ANTHONY

ROYLE.

IT IS UNDERSTOOD THAT SINCE MR ROYLE'S LAST TRIP TO CHINA LAST YEAR, WHEN HE WAS QUOTE OVERWHELMED UNQUOTED BY AN ENTHUSIASTIC CHINESE WELCOME AND FLEW IN A BRITISH JET AIRCRAFT WITH AN ALL-BRITIO CREW BACK TO HONG KONG FROM SHANGHAI HE HAS BEEN PRAISING THE QUOTE

NEW CHINA UNQUOTE IN LONDON.

+

IT IS KNOWN THAT HONG KONG GOVERNMENT REPRESENTATIVES HAVE SENT

A FULL AND DETAILED REPORT TUDON ABOUT THE POSSIBILITIES OF ESTABLISHMENT HERE OF A CHINESE OFFICE.

/THESE

THESE ARGUMENTS ARE, ON THE GOOD SIDE:

IT WILL MEAN GREATER CONFIDENCE IN HONG KONG IF AN OFFICIAL

CHINESE REPRESENTATIVE IN THE COLONY INDICATES TO LOCAL PEOPLE

AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD THAT THE CHINESE ARE QUOTE QUITE HAPPY

WITH THE WAY THINGS ARE GOING UNQUOTE.

IT WILL MEAN AN EASING OF VISA AND TRADE RESTRICTIONS.

BUT ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN, IT IS BELIEVED THE FOLLOWING

POINTS HAVE BEEN TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION:

IN TIMES OF PEACE THERE WILL BE NO PROBLEMS, BUT IN TIMES OF STRIFE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE OFFICE IN THE

COLONY WOULD BE A FOCAL POINT FOR TROUBLE.

THIS COULD HAVE A CRUCIAL BEARING ON CONFIDENCE IN THE COLONY.

ANOTHER DANGER IS THAT, ALTHOUGH CHINESE GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WOULD NOT SEEK, NECESSARILY, TO PROPEL THEMSELVES INTO THE PUBLIC EYE, PRESENT MINOR TROUBLES SUCH AS TEACHERS' DISPUTES COULD MEAN A LARGE PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION WOULD REGARD THE MAINLAND

REPRESENTATIVE AS A QUOTE CHINESE GOVERNOR OF HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

THE QUESTION OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION WILL BE RAISED IN THE

BRITISH HOUSE OF LAORDS NEXT WEEK BY A LABOUR PEER, LORD BROCKWAY.

LORD BROCKWAY ASKED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON APRIL 16 ABOUT

PROPOSALS THAT CHINA SHOULD HAVE OFFICIAL STATUS IN HONG KONG.

HE WILL BE ANSWERED IN AN OFFICAL STATEMENT BY THE BRITISH

GOVERNMENT TO THE LORDS ON 9 MAY.

SPEAKING TO THE S.C.M. POST IN A RADIO TELEPHONE INTERVIEW LAST

NIGHT HE SAID HE WOULD BE QUOTE DELIGHTED UNQUOTE IF THE CHINESE

REQUEST FOR REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG WAS GRANTED.

QUOTE I THINK IT IS VERY NECESSARY UNQUOTE, LORD BROCKWAY SAID,

QUOTE ESPECIALLY IN VIEW OF THE CHINESE POSITION IN REGARD TO

HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

/HE SAID

-2-

HE SAID HE HAD NEVER BEEN TO THE COLONY, BUT REGARDED CHINA

AS BEING VERY IMPORTANT TO THE PEACE OF THE WORLD.

QUOTE I AM A TRADE UNIONIST AND SOCIALIST AND I AM CONVINCED THAT THE ATTITUDE TAKEN BY THE WORKERS IN CHINA TO IMPROVE THEIR CONDITIONS AND THE ANSWERS TO THE FAMILY OF NATIONS ARE CORRECT

UNQUOTE.

LORD BROCKWAY SAID: QUOTE THERE HAVE BEEN SOME INDICATIONS IN LONDON THAT A DECISION IN THE DIRECTION OF WHITEHALL AGREEMENT

TO CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG HAVE BEEN REACHED

UNQUOTE,

ASKED IF THIS MEANT A DECISION AT THE LEVEL OF THE PRIME MINISTER, HE SAID HE COULD NOT SAY, BUT ADDED IT HAD QUOTE CERTAINLY BEEN DISCUSSED BY THE FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE UNQUOTE.

LORD BROCKWAY SAID HE WOULD NOT DISCUSS THE POSSIBILITIES OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG BEING UNDER CONSIDERATION BY

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

THE OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVES IN HONG KONG

TODAY ARE SPLIT INTO THREE CAREFULLY-SELECTED BRANCHES #

HSINHUA, THE NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY STAFF, OF WHICH THE LEADING MEMBER IS MR LIANG WEI-LIN, WHO TRAVELS TO AND FRO ON A DIPLOMATIC PASSPORT WHICH DESCRIBES HIM AS A BONA FIDE MEMBER OF THE PEKING

CONSULAR CORPS.

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE PEKING PRESS IN HONG KONG ARE ALSO QUOTE DIPLOMATS UNQUOTE ACCORDING TO THEIR PASSPORTS.

MEMBERS OF THE CHINA RESOURCES STAFF, WHO HEAD MULTI-MILLION DOLLAR NEGOTIATIONS WITH WESTERN ORGANISATIONS. AND

/STAFF OF

--3-

STAFF OF THE BANK OF CHINA, THE MEN WHO HAVE TWO MAJOR ROLES

IN THE ECONOMY OF THE COLONY: HANDLING THE VAST IN-FLOW

OF REMITTANCES FROM OVERSEAS CHINESE AND THE TRADE DEALS (MOSTLY

INVOLVING HONG KONG FOOD) FROM CHINA,

MACLEHOSE

FILES

FED

HKTOD

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PS

SIR E NORRIS

ÞÆR WILFORD PS/MR ROYLE

+

+

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GPS 900

FM HONG KONG 260846Z

UNCLASSIFIED

1973

41

TOP COPY

TEH 3/31/1

TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 445 OF 26 APRIL INFO PEKING.

мен

THE FOLLOWING IS THE FULL TEXT OF A FRONT PAGE ARTICLE WHICH APPEARED IN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST TODAY (THURSDAY) UNDER THE HEADING QUOTE A CHINA OFFICE IN HONG KONG A CERTAINTY UNQUOTE:-

CHINA IS VIRTUALLY CERTAIN TO HAVE A QUOTE REPRESENTATIVE

UNQUOTE OFFICE IN HONG KONG WITH THE NEXT FEW YEARS.

BUT JUST WHEN IT WILL BE SET UP IS THE BIG QUESTION.

TALKS AT A QUOTE SENIOR UNQUOTE LEVEL ARE BEING HELD IN WHITEHALL AND IN PEKING ABOUT THE FORMATION, THE STATUS AND THE LIKELY STAFFING OF THE CHINESE OFFICE IN HONG KONG.

BUT ALTHOUGH CHINA HAS RAISED THE QUESTION OF REPRESENTATION TWICE WITH BRITISH MINISTERS IN THE PAST YEAR IT HAS NOT BEEN PRESSED RECENTLY AT MINISTERIAL LEVEL.

IT SEEMS LIKELY, HOWEVER, THAT A GO AHEAD WILL EVENTUALLY BE GIVEN BY LONDON DESPITE SOME RESERVATIONS BY OFFICIALS.

ONE OF THE FOREMOST ADVOCATES OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENT- ATION IN HONG KONG WITHIN THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT IS THE UNDER- SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS, MR ANTHONY

ROYLE.

IT IS UNDERSTOOD THAT SINCE MR ROYLE'S LAST TRIP TO CHINA LAST YEAR, WHEN HE WAS QUOTE OVERWHELMED UNQUOTED BY AN ENTHUSIASTIC CHINESE WELCOME AND FLEW IN A BRITISH JET AIRCRAFT WITH AN ALL-BRITIO CREW BACK TO HONG KONG FROM SHANGHAI, HE HAS BEEN PRAISING THE QUO TE

NEW CHINA UNQUOTE IN LONDON.

IT IS KNOWN THAT HONG KONG GOVERNMENT REPRESENTATIVES HAVE SENT A FULL AND DETAILED REPORT TO LONDON ABOUT THE POSSIBILITIES OF ESTABLISHMENT HERE OF A CHINESE OFFICE.

/THESE

1

THESE ARGUMENTS ARE, ON THE GOOD SIDE:

IT WILL MEAN GREATER CONFIDENCE IN HONG KONG IF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVE IN THE COLONY INDICATES TO LOCAL PEOPLE AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD THAT THE CHINESE ARE QUOTE QUITE HAPPY WITH THE WAY THINGS ARE GOING UNQUOTE.

IT WILL MEAN AN EASING OF VISA AND TRADE RESTRICTIONS.

BUT ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN, IT IS BELIEVED THE FOLLOWING POINTS HAVE BEEN TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION:

IN TIMES OF PEACE THERE WILL BE NO PROBLEMS, BUT IN TIMES OF STRIFE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE OFFICE IN THE COLONY WOULD BE A FOCAL POINT FOR TROUBLE.

THIS COULD HAVE A CRUCIAL BEARING ON CONFIDENCE IN THE COLONY,

ANOTHER DANGER IS THAT, ALTHOUGH CHINESE GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WOULD NOT SEEK, NECESSARILY, TO PROPEL THEMSELVES INTO THE PUBLIC EYE, PRESENT MINOR TROUBLES SUCH AS TEACHERS' DISPUTES COULD MEAN A LARGE PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION WOULD REGARD THE MAINLAND REPRESENTATIVE AS A QUOTE CHINESE GOVERNOR OF HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

THE QUESTION OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION WILL BE RAISED IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF LAORDS NEXT WEEK BY A LABOUR PEER, LORD BROCKWAY.

LORD BROCKWAY ASKED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON APRIL 16 ABOUT PROPOSALS THAT CHINA SHOULD HAVE OFFICIAL STATUS IN HONG KONG.

HE WILL BE ANSWERED IN AN OFFICAL STATEMENT BY THE BRITISH

GOVERNMENT TO THE LORDS ON 9 MAY,

SPEAKING TO THE S.C.M. POST IN A RADIO TELEPHONE INTERVIEW LAST NIGHT HE SAID HE WOULD BE QUOTE DELIGHTED UNQUOTE IF THE CHINESE REQUEST FOR REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG WAS GRANTED.

QUOTE I THINK IT IS VERY NECESSARY UNQUOTE, LORD BROCKWAY SAID, QUOTE ESPECIALLY IN VIEW OF THE CHINESE POSITION IN REGARD TO

HONG KONG UNQUOTE.

/HE SAID

-2-

1

P

HE SAID HE HAD NEVER BEEN TO THE COLONY, BUT REGARDED CHINA AS BEING VERY IMPORTANT TO THE PEACE OF THE WORLD.

QUOTE I AM A TRADE UNIONIST AND SOCIALIST AND I AM CONVINCED THAT THE ATTITUDE TAKEN BY THE WORKERS IN CHINA TO IMPROVE THEIR CONDITIONS AND THE ANSWERS TO THE FAMILY OF NATIONS ARE CORRECT

UNQUOTE.

LORD BROCKWAY SAID: QUOTE THERE HAVE BEEN SOME INDICATIONS IN LONDON THAT A DECISION IN THE DIRECTION OF WHITEHALL AGREEMENT TO CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG HAVE BEEN REACHED

UNQUOTE.

ASKED IF THIS MEANT A DECISION AT THE LEVEL OF THE PRIME MINISTER, HE SAID HE COULD NOT SAY, BUT ADDED IT HAD QUOTE CERTAINLY BEEN DISCUSSED BY THE FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE UNQUOTE.

LORD BROCKWAY SAID HE WOULD NOT DISCUSS THE POSSIBILITIES OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG BEING UNDER CONSIDERATION BY

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

THE OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATIVES IN HONG KONG TODAY ARE SPLIT INTO THREE CAREFULLY-SELECTED BRANCHES #

HSINHUA, THE NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY STAFF, OF WHICH THE LEADING MEMBER IS MR LIANG WEI-LIN, WHO TRAVELS TO AND FRO ON A DIPLOMATIC PASSPORT WHICH DESCRIBES HIM AS A BONA FIDE MEMBER OF THE PEKING CONSULAR CORPS.

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE PEKING PRESS IN HONG KONG ARE ALSO QUOTE DIPLOMATS UNQUOTE ACCORDING TO THEIR PASSPORTS.

MEMBERS OF THE CHINA RESOURCES STAFF, WHO HEAD MULTI-MILLION DOLLAR NEGOTIATIONS WITH WESTERN ORGANISATIONS. AND

/STAFF OF

-3-

STAFF OF THE BANK OF CHINA, THE MEN WHO HAVE TWO MAJOR ROLES

IN THE ECONOMY OF THE COLONY: HANDLING THE VAST IN-FLOW

OF REMITTANCES FROM OVERSEAS CHINESE AND THE TRADE DEALS (MOSTLY

INVOLVING HONG KONG FOOD) FROM CHINA.

MACLEHO SE

FILES

FED

HKIOD

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SIR E NORRIS FR WILFORD PS/MR ROYLE

I

QPS 120

CIPHER/CAT A

FM HONG KONG 260845Z

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

1973

TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 444 OF 26 APRIL INFO PEKING.

YOUR TELEGRAM 303.

FEM 3/5./1

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

WE DO NOT KNOW THE SOURCE OF TODAY'S SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST ARTICLE (FULL TEXT IN MY IFT) BUT BELIEVE IT TO BE LARGELY SPECULATION FOLLOWING CHARLES SMITH'S STORY IN THE FINANCIAL TIMES.

2. WE HAVE SPOKEN UNATTRIBUTABLY TO THE EDITOR OF THIS AND OTHER LEADING NEWSPAPERS CONCERNING THE PARAGRAPHS WHICH REFER TO MR ROYLE AS QUOTE ONE THE FOREMOST ADVOCATES OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG UNQUOTE. WE HAVE SAID THAT THE MATTER HAS BEEN RAISED

FROM TIME TO TIME DURING RECENT YEARS WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. WE HAVE MADE IT CLEAR THAT MR ROYLE HAS MADE NO STATEMENT ON OR OFF THE RECORD WHICH AFFORDS ANY BASIS FOR THE VIEWS ATTRIBUTED TO HIM.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

FED

HKI OD SIR E NORRIS MR WILFORD

CONFIDENTIAL

P

4

THE TIMES

ترام

регис

علم

cutting dated

14th April 1973.19

Hongkong doubts over Peking mission offer

From Leo Goodstadt Hongkong, April 13

News agency reports today of China's desire to establish a mission in Hongkong have had a mixed reception in the colony.

The move would be highly welcome diplomatically to almost all shades of opinion be cause it would imply a subtle change in Peking's present atti- tude, which is de facto recogni- tion of a British dependent territory on "sacred Chinese soil". The more formal status of the colony as a British posses sion, which a Chinese mission to Hongkong would imply, would be a further demonstration of Peking's benevolent intentions towards the colony's long-term future.

Politically, however, opinion in Hongkong is divided. In the past the local administration has firmly opposed any such mis sion, fearing repetition of the attempts made before Chairman Mao Tse-tung came to power to use Chinese Government offi- cials in Hongkong as a rival centre of authority and a focal point for those who would like Peking to intervene in the colony's affairs.

These suspicions still prevail in official and private circles, although China now behaves as if Hongkong's Chinese popula tion and its welfare were the sole responsibility of the British authorities.

This relatively new attitude is becoming increasingly obvious, For instance, Peking has increased its export prices to Hongkong to almost world mar- ket lavels and dropped its previ. ous policy of giving Hongkong's

CO

predominantly Chinese munity access to food and con- sumer goods at prices well below those paid elsewhere.

China has also enhanced its reputation with the Hongkong Government through the highly responsible behaviour of the Ministry of Finance officials sent to work in Peking-owned banks in the colony.

The local communist move. ment has also worked hard since 1969 to demonstrate that it re- flects Peking's own desire to see stability and reasonable material progress in Hongkong, and it has stayed out of industrial and other disputes during the past three years as far as possible.

A serious security problem would arise if a Chinese mission were located in the colony, as its staff would almost certainly be come the target for Taiwan agents. They are believed to have fomented acts of violence in the past in order to harm Chinese relations with Hongkong and Britain.

The site of the proposed mis sion is already known. It is mansion with extensive grounds which belonged formerly to the Chinese maritime customs and became Peking's property on the recognition of the People's Re- public by London in 1950. Our Diplomatic Staff writes: Foreign Office sources confirm that China has several times asked for official representa- tion in Hongkong since 1956, and particularly in the last two years. Britain has the request under consideration. It is not thought in Whitehall that the issue should affect Anglo-

relations on Chinese

other matters.

Ких

+

..

39

CONFIDENTIAL

1ORITY

PHER/CAT-A-

TOP CORT

GPS 100

FM FCO 181705Z

CONFIDENTIAL

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO 388 OF 18 APRIL/AND TO PEKING.

(FE{{

3

1973

PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR

31

1.

MY TELEGRAM NO 383: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

LORD BROCKWAY HAS PUT DOWN THE FOLLOWING PARLIAMENTARY

QUESTION FOR ORAL ANSWER ON 9 MAY:

QUOTE TO ASK HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT WHETHER CHINA HAS REQUESTED THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A DIPLOMATIC MISSION IN HONG KONG: AND, IF SO, WHAT DECISION HAS BEEN REACHED UNQUOTE.

2. WE SHALL SEEK YOUR COMMENTS BY TELEGRAM ON OUR DRAFT ANSWER AND NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES,

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

FED

HKIOD

NEWS D

MR WILFORD

SIR E NORRIS

CONFIDENTIAL

SECRET AND PERSCHAL

Sir Hurray MeɑLehose ZOHO MBE HOTA LONG

17 April 1973

38

1

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

As promised in our telegram of 17 April, I molose copy of Charles Smith's transcript of the remarka Ch'lao Xuan-huz made to Alan Hare and him on 30 March. Smith says that this is the nearest he can get to a verbatia record. In producing it, he followed his notes faithfully and did not attempt to clarify a number of obseze passages. He has particularly asked that the Chinese should be given no grounds for suspecting that he has passed a transcript to us. have assured him that we shall respect his confidence.

2.

The transeript clarifies the mysterious point about the issue of visas (paragraph 3 of 700 telegram No 365). Ch'iso sessa to have gone në further on this particular subject than ho did when speaking to Er Royle in June last yaar. At the same time, his words scho the recent rather petulant Chinese remark made in the context of the LPO's application for visas - that the China Travel Service in Hong Kong was not a properly ocartitated coamler office (Priny triogram to 26 to Hoà lưu Kong).

3. On the question of air services, our judgement is that our negotiating position need not be changed, Ch'imo did not say that BOAC would be unable to fly to Peking unless we gave the Chinese what they wanted over representation: and on the same day as Ch'ino talked to Hare the Deputy Director General of CAAC told Er Heseltine that "as far as services from Hong Long to Peking were concerned, the Chinese side would give it consideration in view of the friendship between Britain and China".

4. One point in the transcript did strike us as rather sinister. That is the phrase on the second page that "the problem of Hong Kong's future does not lie in the long tera". On the face of it, this suggests that Ch'iso is thinking in terms of reversion before 1997. On the other hand it could mean that what Chiao saw as "the problem", i.e, representation, might be resolved at a fairly early date.

BECRET AD PERSONAL

/ 5.

BEGRET AND PERSONAL

5. We should welcome your comments and those of Michael Morgan on these and any other points which may occur to you.

00

V H Morgan Esq PEKINO

(with enclosure)

K "

Wilfced

2

SECRET AND PERSCHAL

*

14

RESTRICTED

-

CYPHER CAT A

FM PEKING 140420Z

RESTRICTED

TO IMMEDIATE HONG KONG TELEGRAM NO 26 OF 14 MARCH, 1973

INFO ROUTINE FCO.

LONDON PHILHARMONIC ORCHESTRA: VISAS.

1. CONSULAR DEPARTMENT, MFA, RAISED LAST MINUTE DIFFICULTIES ABOUT ORCHESTRA'S VISAS WITH US THIS MORNING".

THE PROBLEM SEEMS TO HAVE BEEN A LACK OF COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THEM AND THE ASSOCIATION FOR FRIENDSHIP WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES, TO WHOM WE HANDED PASSPORT DETAILS ON 8 FEBRUARY. CONSULAR DEPARTMENT EXPLAINED THAT THEY WOULD NORMALLY EXPECT SUCH VISAS TO BE ISSUED IN LONDON AND THAT ISSUE IN HONG KONG RAISED SERIOUS PROBLEMS FOR THE CHIMA TRAVEL SERVICE WHICH, AS WE KNEW, WAS

NOT A PROPERLY CONSTITUTED CONSULAR OFFICE.

WHEN WE EXPLAINED THE SITUATION THEY APPEARED MOLLIFIED AND HAVE UNDERTAKEN TO ENSURE THAT VISAS ARE AUTHORISED

FOR ISSUE IN HONG KONG.

2.

HAVE APPLICATIONS ALREADY BEEN MADE? PLEASE LET US KNOW URGENTLY IF ORCHESTRA ARE ENCOUNTERING ANY DIFFICULTIES.

ADDIS

FILES

CRD

FED

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

RESTRICTED

ARIORITY

CYPHER CAT A

GPS 60

CLAFIDENTIAL

FM FCO 171715Z

CONFIDENTIAL

(FED 3

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELEGRAM NO 383 OF 17 APRIL 1973

AND TO PEKING.

YOUR TELEGRAM NO 398: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR

1. CHARLES SMITH HAS NOW GIVEN US IN CONFIDENCE A TRANSCRIPT

OF THE INTERVIEW WITH CH'LAO KUAN-HUA, WE ARE SENDING COPIES

TO YOU AND PEKING BY THE BAG CLOSING ON 18 APRIL UNDER A LETTER

OF COMMENT.

DOUGLAS-HGME

PILES

FED

HKIOD

M WILFORD

SIR E NORRIS

CONFIDENTIAL

+

37

COVERING SECRET

CONFIDENTIAL

Mr Wilford

RV

FEH1 3/3-1/1

Mi Logan

56

Misinant has Mimelson.

не

Con...r.

Mi Heisey fo

Mi Clark 2714 21314 Co.r).

3074

R.E.

17/4.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

I submit the draft of a letter for you to send to

Sir Murray MacLehose by the bag which closes at 10 am

tomorrow. I also submit the draft of a short telegram of

warning (we promised to telegraph again in FCO telegram

No 365 to Hong Kong).

2. Mr Stuart concurs in the two drafts.

17 April 1973

Rim. Eron

CONFIDENTIAL

RM Evans

Far Eastern Department

MW%

14

M. Stadt

-HKIO

81

35

THE FINANCIAL TIMES

THE FINANCIAL TIMES LTD BRACKEN HOUSE CANNON STREET LONDON EC4P 4BY TELEGRAMS FINANTIMO LONDON TELEX 888341-2 TEL 01-248 8000

E/CS/RJ.

Enier.

Dfi lene: i5 für Murray

Richard Evans, Esq.,

Far East Department,

Foreign & Commonwealth Office,

Whitehall London, S.W.1.

naceehore.

16th April, 1973.

RE.

17/14.

Dear Richard,

Here is the nearest I can get to a transcript of the Chiao interview. I have followed my notes faithfülly and have not attempted to clarify a number of obscure passages. I trust this is what you wanted.

With best wishes,

Yours sincerely,

རི་ད་གྱིས་ཐ་

Charles Smith

Mi Davies

Penose:.

(c) Circuecie copies to all who

will be present où r 心

Q

Drieking meeting on 18 April. Discuss further action wilń

me.

Ack / Submi / seat.

Comments.

R.E.

10/4.

THE FINANCIAL TIMES LIMITED

REGISTERED IN LONDON HUMBER TETESE

Contbutions to The Financial Times Limited may be included in the company's syndication service for a penod of three months.

THE GUARDIAN

16 APR 1973

FE

PBO PUSER

Aerial diplomacy

by PATRICK KEATLEY, Diplomatic Correspondent

The British Government is matter that the new Ambas-¡ resisting pressure from Peking sador to Japan refused to for the establishment of a con and few in a special plane change aircraft in Hongkong sulate-general in Hongkong and from Peking to Tokyo by thereby appears to be holding another route. up conclusion of an air service agreement with China which is frustrating for BOAC.

London chooses not to share J'eking's feeling of urgency but the Chinese are irritated by the fact that their only liaison office in Hongkong is the New China News Agency. So incensed are the Chinese about the Brush refusal to settle the

The tit-for-tat technique is now being employed by China to budge the Foreign Office. Peking has been given the text of a draft agreement for setting up air routes by BOAC and the Chinese airline but is refusing to reply until London acts on the Hongkong issue at least to the extent of agreeing to open talks.

surdly i insepresentation

Entert

Cha

Transcript of Remarks about Hong Kong made by China's Vice Foreign Minister, Chiao Kuan-hua during an Interview with Alan Hare,

naging Director of the Financial Times and Charles Smith, Far ast Correspondent of the Financial Times. The Interview was held in Peking on Friday, 30th March, 1973.

In response to a question (at the opening of the

However,

interview) about the state of Sino-British relations, Chiao said

that, in general, relations were developing very smoothly.

there was one question which was "still not solved". This was the

question of the Chinese Government appointing a representative in

Hong Kong. If this matter was not settled, other questions "would

arise". Chiao said that relations between Canton and Hong Kong

were "very close" but many things "could become troublesome" without

a settlement of the representative issue. Hong Kong's relations

with the mainland were the same as they had been "since the Second

World War". At the moment, Chiao said, the Hsinhua director acted

as China's representative in the Colony.

Chiao said that Premier Chou had discussed Hong Kong

"very clearly and frankly" with Sir Alec. But the British still

seemed to feel "some difficulty" over the Chinese proposal. Mr.

Royle had said in June that Britain "wanted to keep the balance"

in Hong Kong. The proposal to station a representative in Hong Kong

had been made "a long time ago" but the time for solution of the

question was "now mature". Practical matters whose solution could

be facilitated by an agreement on the representative included the

establishment of air connections and a direct rail link between

Hong Kong and Canton and the issue of visas for China in Hong Kong.

Chiao said it was difficult to issue visas without an official

representative. He pointed out that China was about to open a

liaison office in Washington. It was ironic that it could not have

a representative in Hong Kong.

- 2 -

At the end of the interview, Chiao reverted to Hong Kong

and the question of BCAC flights arose. Chiao said he "believed it

would be much easier for BOAC to fly to Feking" if the representative

issue were settled. The representative issue and the question of

airline connections were "connected to a considerable extent". At

the moment it was "not impossible, but not convenient for Chinese

officials to go to Hong Kong". China's ambassador to Japan went by

special aircraft to Tokyo "otherwise he could have taken the

Hong Kong route". In answer to questions about 1998, etc. Chiao

said "the problem of Hong Kong's future does not lie in the long

teru".

The British public was "not clear about changes in the

world situation. 1998 is still 25 years away with 25 years we

can work great changes". Changes in the world situation

"including the realignment of various forces" would continue and

would accelerate. Chiao said that the representative issue had

not been discussed on his own visit to London because of lack of

time.

HR FE B24

BOSTR

L

FINANCIAL TIMES

Cutting dated

16 APR 1973 19

**Hong Kong is cautious

·

about Peking advances

BY OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT

HONG KONG, April 15,

HONG KONG Is reacting grow and Hong Kong residents -cautiously to the revival of would find it easier to spend a pressure from Peking to estab- few days relaxing for a week-end lish some form of representation in Kwantung Province. They say of the People's Republic of the train from Canton which at China in the colony. No official present stops short of the Lowu comment could be elicited from bridge at the frontier could carry the usual Government sources. on down to the Kowloon termi- However, it is known that Hong pal. Communications of all typer Kong has grave reservations. The could be improved. Hong Kong presence of a Kuomintang Com- sources point out, however, that missioner representing the then there is no reason at present why Nationalist Government of China Visas for China should not be until his departure on Britain's issued in Hong Kong now, by the recognition of China in 1950 had China Travel Service office here. been a source of embarrassment,. particularly when friction arose between Left and Right wing factions in the colony.

When the question was raised! In the mid-Afties the then *Governor, Sir Alexander

Grantham, commented that he was unwilling to accede to the setting up of a second, rival Government to his own in Hong Kong.

The matter, of course, is ond to be settled between London and Feking but it is unlikely thad Hong Kong's advice will be enthusiastically positive. It is pointed out that while in 1373 there are advantages in an official Peking representation in the colony, had such an office existed during the cultural revolution ⚫rlots of 1987 the Hong Kong author.ties would have been

¦ under much more pressure than

they were.

The Hong Kong Goverar.cut feels also that the proposed advantages are somewhat nebu Jous. Left-wing sources argue that an office could facilitate all types of traffic between China and Hong Kong. Tourism into China from Hong Kong would

Keep

Cha

السلام

¡

$/3...!

1

THE TIMES

|

cutting dated

14 April 1973.19

Hongkong doubts over Peking mission offer!

From Leo Goodstadt Hongkong, April 13

News agency reports today of China's desire to establish a mission in Hongkong have had mixed reception in the colony.

The move would be highly welcome diplomatically to almost all shades of opinion be cause it would imply a subtle change in Peking's present atti- tude, which is de facto recogni- tion of a British dependent territory on "sacred Chinese soil". The more formal status of the colony as a British posses sion, which ■ Chinese mission to Hongkong would imply, would be a further demonstration of Peking's benevolent intentions towards the colony's long-term future.

Politically, however, opinton in Hongkong is divided. In the 1 past the local administration has firmly opposed any such mis- sion, fearing a repetition of the attempts made before Chairman Mao Tse-tung came to power to use Chinese Government offi- 'cials in Hongkong as a rival centre of authority and a focal

predominantly

Chinese com. munity access to food and con- sumer goods at prices well below those paid elsewhere.

China has also enhanced its reputation with the Hongkong Government through the highly responsible behaviour of the Ministry of Finance officials sent to work in Peking-owned banks in the colony.

The local communist move- ment has also worked hard since 1969 to demonstrate that it re flects Peking's own desire to see stability and reasonable material progress in Hongkong, and it has stayed out of industrial and other disputes during the past three years as far as possible.

A serious security problem would arise if a Chinese mission were located in the colony, as its staff would almost certainly be come the target for Taiwan agents. They are believeu to have fomented acts of violence in the past in order to harm Chinese relations with Hongkong and Britain.

The site of the proposed mis- sion is already known. It is a mansion with extensive

Enter

point for those who would like which belonged former grounds (4) top of Megaz z bap

Peking to intervene in the colony's affairs.

These suspicions still prevail In official and private circles, although China now behaves as if Hongkong's Chinese popula tion and its welfare were the sole responsibility of the British authorities.

This relatively new attitude is becoming increasingly obvious. For instance. Peking has increased its export prices to Hongkong to almost world mar ket levels and dropped its preví. ous policy of giving Hongkong's

to the Chinese maritime customs and became Peking's property on the recognition of the People's Re public by London in 1950. Our Diplomatic Staff writes: Foreign Office so irces confirm that China has several cimes asked for official representa- tion in Hongkong since 1956, and particularly in the last two years. Britain has the request under consideration. 1: is not thought in Whitehall that the issue should affect Anglo- Chinese relations op other matters.

FINANCIAL TIMES

Chona presses

for envoy in Hong

Kong

BY CHARLES SMITH, FAR EAST CORRESPONDENT

FE Mi Day

PBHX

PUSIR

Av. / Pusos

a Aree

Mr Evans

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R.E.

194.

will wish lisu

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articular ham in thing article

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out the loot

Bellark

1314.

AM. Clark prits antagen to wrong.

Ministeri

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10/4

APR 1973

319

1 3 APR 1973

Cha

CHINA HAS been exerting pres- vice to China, but the view is sure on Britain to agree to the taken that this matter is con-

of appointment

* 10 official nected an

a considerable ! Chinese representative in Hong extent " with the question of Kong. British reluctance to a representative.

agree to this proposal could delay the settlement of other bilateral issues between the two countries, including plans for the opening of a BOAC scheduled service to Peking or Shanghai.

sense

Rejected

Although Chinese officials regard the whole question of a representative in Hong Kong This has emerged from sources as being "nature for salulton In both London and Peking, the issue, not a new one. although China's

of It was Brst raised by the urgency over the matter may Chinese Government in February. not, as yet, be fully shared by 1956, and rejected two years Britain.

later by Britain. China raised the matter again in the spring of 1971 and it is known to have come up in the talks held in Peking last year by Sir Alec the Foreign and Mr. Anthony

Irony

At the moment the People's Douglas Home, Republic is represented in Hong Secretary, Kong by the director of the Royle. the junior Foreign Office Hsinhua (New

Far China) News Minister responsible for

Agency-an arrangement which Eastern affairs. has continued since the estab Britain apparently avolded lishment of the Communist giving a direct answer to the régime in 1949, but which the Chinese proposal at both sets Government in Peking cleary of talks and the matter is still regards as anachronistic.

understood to be "under con-

H

Chinese officials have com sideration" by the UK Govern. mented on the "irony' that ment. However there are obvious China should be about to estab- reasons why there should he lish a liaison office in Washing. hesitation about China's request. ton but cannot yet have a repre sentative on its own doorstep.

One is that so official Chinese representative in Hong Kong could become a focus for politi But I was assured in Peking cal activity IA the Colony recently that the lack of a repre- whether or not China itself sentative office in Hong Kong wanted this to happen. poses a number of practical Another fear is that the open- problems, particularly in the ing of a Chinese official mi$$100 communications field.

might imply a change in the China claims it is not con- Colony's status which, at the venient for members of the very least. could undermine Chinese Government to travel business confidence. through Hong Kong while the Britain and China representative issue remains un- theoretically at odds over the settled TA recent case in point status of Hong Kong since the was the new Chinese ambassador U.K regards the territory as a to Japan. who travelled by. British Colony while China sees special aircraft to Tokyo rather it as a plece of Chinese territory than pass through the British which has passed under foreign Colony.)

administration as the result of an "unequal treaty."

the Talks

Officials in Peking have also indicated there will be difficul ties about agreeing on establishment of a direct rail link between Hong Kong and This dicatreement however, Canton while what they reward has not "revented a smooth as the principal issue in Hong working relationship belt.een Kong remains outstandırg. China and Hong Kong and there

++

H

There is less precision in have been no fears that China 19

la *

to hurry

obtain Peking about the question of an

the reversion." air services agreement and the Colony's start of a BOAC scheduled ser-

Whether or not China really means to link the Hong Kong representative issue with the proposed ROAC fights into

• China, progress on the latter Issue appears to have been slow.

speculcied intelligently

on subject over which I told him he must

specesje.

R.M. Eron

13 April, 1978

The text of an air SERVICES agreement has been presented to China by Britain but there has still been no detailed Chinese reaction to the draft. It is boord, bowever, that talks may ret under way in London during the No.

next few weeks.

Peking.

Ritme.

、e.

3+

**MEDIATE

CAPS 330

CYPHER/CAT A

FM HONG KONG 130948Z

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

TOP COPY

Fat

I

TO IMMEDIATE F C O TELNO 398 OF 13TH APRIL, 1973. INFO PRIORITY PEKING.

YOUR TELNO 3651 CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

*

THIS STORY IS THE HEADLINE IN THIS AFTERNOON'S 'CHINA MAIL'' WHICH REFERS TO TWO NEWS AGENCIES (AP AND AFF) AS QUOTING A SENIOR BRITISH SOURCE''. GIS HAVE SO FAR MANAGED TO

HOLD THE POSITION WITH THE FOLLOWING COMMENT,

''THIS MATTER HAS NOT BEEN RAISED WITH THE HONG KONG GOVERNMENT, BUT IT HAS BEEN RAISED FROM TIME TO TIME DURING THE PAST FEW YEARS

WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.''

2. GIS HAVE JUST BEEN ASKED.

(1) WHAT IS THE HONG KONG GOVERNMENT'S REACTION TO THIS LEAK''

(FROM LONDON)?

AND

(11) HOW DOES THE HONG KONG GOVERNMENT VIEW THE SUGGESTION THAT

PEKING SHOULD SET UP SOME SORT OF SEMI-DIPLOMATIC MISSION IN HONG KONG

THEY PROPOSE TO REPLY AS FOLLOWS:

(1) "OVER THE PAST FEW YEARS THIS MATTER HAS BEEN RAISED FROM

TIME TO TIME IN LONDON AND PEKING,''

(11) ''SO FAR AS WE KNOW NO OFFICIAL DISCUSSIONS ARE TAKING PLACE

AT THE MOMENT. IN ANY CASE THIS IS A MATTER FOR HER MAJESTY'S COVERNMENT AND THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT,''

CONFIDENTIAL

15. in

CONFIDENTIAL

3.

IN ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF CH'IAO KUAN-HUA'S REMARKS IT WOULD BE HELPFUL TO KNOW THE CIRCUMSTANCES IN WHICH THEY WERE MADE IN PARTICULAR WHETHER THEY WERE VOLUNTEERED OR MADE IN REPLY TO A QUESTION.

MACLEHOSE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

FED

HKI OD

NEWS DEPT

P & C D

M & T D

RESEARCH DEPT

(F E SECTION)

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V/CAT A

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33

DESKEY 133JJAZ BOTII.

TO

SEDIATE GOVERHOR HONG KONG TELEGRAM HUBER 355 OF 12 APRIL 1973

AND TO PEKING.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

ON THE STRENGTH OF REMARKS MADE TO CHARLES SMITH OF THE FINANCIAL TIMES BY CH' LAO KUAN-HUA AT A RECENT INTERVIEW IN PEKING, SMITH'S COLLEAGUE ROBERT GRAHAM ASKED ME ABOUT THIS SUBJECT AT AN CATTRIBUTABLE BRIEFING WHICH I GAVE TO THE BRITISH DIPLOMATIC PRESS TODAY (12 APRIL). I SAID THAT THE QUESTION OF OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATICH IN HONG KONG HAD BEEN A LIVE ONE FOR SOME TIME: IT WOULD NEED CAREFUL CONSIDERATION. I DID NOT THINK, H HOWEVER, THAT THE LACK OF A SOLUTION NEED HOLD UP THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA. HOR DID I THINK THAT IT WOULD IN FACT HAVE THIS EFFECT.

2. SMITH INTENDS TO PUBLISH A PIECE ON THE SUBJECT IN THE FINANCIAL TIMES TOMORROW (13 APRIL). WE HAVE PUT THE CHINESE PROPOSAL IN ITS HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND HAVE EXPHASIZED TO HIM THAT IT IS STILL UNDER

CONSIDERATION.

3. CH'IAO KUAN-HUA APPARENTLY TOLD SMITH THAT ONLY ONE BIG PROBLEM** REMAINED IN RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA, THE QUESTION OF OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG. THE SOLUTION OF OTHER PROBLEMS, SUCH AS THE ISSUE OF VISAS (WE SHALL ASK SMITH TO ELUCIDATE THIS) AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AIR AND RAIL LINKS BETWEEN HONG KONG AND CANTON, WAS LINKED WITH ITS SOLUTION, IN ANSWER TO A QUESTION, CH'IAO SAID THAT THE GRANT TO BOAC OF A SERVICE TO CHINA WAS **CONNECTED TO A CONSIDERABLE

EXTENT''.

CONFIDENTIAL

/4. WE

CONFIDENTIAL,

A,

WE SHALL TELEGRAPH FURTHER WHEN WE HAVE SEEN THE PRESS TOMORROW AND HAVE HAD TIME TO DIGEST THE IMPLICATIONS OF WHAT CH' [AO IS

ALLEGED TO HAVE SAID,

DOVEL AS-HOME

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

FED

HKIOD

NEWS D

RESEARCH D (FE SECT)

+

-2-

CONFIDENTIAL

SECRET

CYPHER/CAT A

6ps 20

FM HONG KONG 2396570Z

SECRET

TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 321 OF 23 MARCH INFO PEKING. 1973.

FOR WILFORD

YOUR TELEGRAM 289.

INSTRUCTIONS WILL NOW BE SENT VIA THE NORMAL CHANNEL

OF COURSE REMAINS IN IGNORANCE OF THE TO-DO.

WHICH

MACLEHOSE

FILES

HK100

FEC

MR WILFORD

SECRET

Х AP 28/3

32

FRIORITY CYPHER/CAT A GFS 40A

FM FCO 221145Z

SECRET

SECRET

(HK)

1973

3

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO. 269 OF 22 MARCH/INFO PRIORITY PEKING.

FOLLOWING FOR GOVERNOR FROM WILFORD

28

YOUR TELEGRAM NO. 325 AND PEKING TELEGRAM NO. 367 TO ME.

1. AFTER RECONSIDERING ALL THE OPTIONS I AGREE THAT WE SHOULD ACQUIESCE. PRESURE THAT YOU WILL INSTRUCT PEKING ACCORDINGLY.

DOUGLAS-HOME

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ар

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60

SECRET

Bir Hurray MacLehose KCNO 128 TONG RONG

21 March 1973

1. Many thanks for your letter of 3 March about the steps which you have taken to establish a working relationship with the head of the ICIA.

2. Xe quite agree that we ought to abstain from saying anything to the Chinese about these steps (at any rate until the process has been taken a good deal further forward) and think that the line you suggest we should take if the Chinese themselves mention the matter is the right one.

Sir John Addis ICHS PKKING

SECRET

K # Wilford

X AP

IMMEDIATE

PHER/CAT A 43 75

FM HONG KONG 198906Z

SECRET

SECRET

73

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 305 OF 19 MARCH/INFO IMMEDIATE PEKING.

FOLLOWING FOR WILFORD FROM GOVERNOR.

PEKING TELEGRAM 3871 LI CHU-SHENG,

I MUST SAY I TOO WAS A LITTLE SURPRISED AT THE SENSE OF THESE INSTRUCTIONS, UNLESS YOU AND HM AMBASSADOR ARE AGREED THAT THERE IS A STRONG PROBABILITY THAT THE CHINESE WOULD WITHDRAW GRACEFULLY AS ORIGNIALLY FORECAST BYPEKING, BUT ON THE BASIS OF A DIFFERENT FORMULA. IF THERE IS NO SUCH PROBABILITY I FAVOUR ACQUIESCENCE.

MACLEHOSE

FILES HKIOD FED

MR WILFORD

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

SECRET

X

AP

28/3

128

IMMEDIATE

GR 40.

J H

SECRET

DESKBY 191000Z

CYPHER CAT A

FM PEKING 197330Z

SECRET

DESKBY 191006Z

1973

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELEGRAM NO 307 OF 19 MARCH/INFO ROUTINE HONG KONG ( PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR).

FOLLOWING PERSONAL FOR WILFORD FROM AMBASSADOR.

YOUR TELNO 353- LI CHU-SHENG.

YOUR TEL HAS EVIDENTLY CROSSED WITH MY TELNO 360 OF 15 MARCH. DO YOU NEVERTHELESS WISH ME TO GO AHEAD ON THE BASIS OF YOUR TEL UNDER REFERENCE?

ADDIS

A

IL

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FILES

HKI OD

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MR WILFORD

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28/3

!

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LMEDIATE

YPHER CAT A

FM PEKING 158400Z

SECRET

SECRET

1973

27

ADOO DOL

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELEGRAM NO 360 OF 15 MARCH INFO ROUTINE HONG KONG ( PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR).

FOR WILFORD FROM AMBASSADOR.

HONG KONG TELNO 288: VISA APPLICATION BY LI CHU-SHENG.

1. MY EARLIER TELEGRAM WAS CONCERNED WITH THE MODALITIES OF

AN APPROACH TO THE CHINESE IF THE DECISION IS TAKEN NOT TO ACCEPT

THIS APPOINTMENT. I STILL THINK THAT IF ACTION IS TAKEN WITH

THE CHINESE IT IS BETTER THAT IT SHOULD BE TAKEN IN PEKING AND IN

THE FORM OF AN ATTEMPT TO GET THE CHINESE TO WITHDRAW

THE APPLICATION RATHER THAN A BLANK REFUSAL. IF I AM TO TAKE ACTION OF THIS KIND, I SHALL OF COURSE NEED TO BE CAREFULLY BRIEFED

ON THE PRECISE PHRASES AND FORMULAE THAT CAN BE USED.

I SHOULD HAVE TO MAKE THE BEST OF THE KATERIAL WHICH CAN DE

APPROVED IN THIS WAY, HOWEVER RESTRICTED IT HAS TO BE.

2. 1 HAVE HOWEVER BEEN HAVING FURTHER THOUGHTS ON WHETHER

THE WHOLE EXERCISE IS WORTHWHILE AT ALL.

WE KNOW THAT THE CHINESE WILL CARRY CUT UNITED FRONT ACTIVITIES

IN HONG KONG IN ANY EVENT.

M ANY EVENT. IF LI CHU-SHENG DOES NOT GO,

SOMEONE ELSE WILL BE APPOINTED TO CARRY OUT THE WORK HE WAS SUPPOSED TO DO. THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF THAT WORK WILL DEPEND NOT ON

THE INDIVIDUAL CARRYING IT OUT BUT ON THE POLICIES AND GUIDELINES THAT ARE LAID DOWN IN PEKING.

Х

YAP 2813

SECRET

/3. THE ONLY

+

P

I

-

SECRET

3. THE ONLY VALID REASON THEREFORE THAT I CAN SEE FOR TAKING

THE RISKS INVOLVED IN TRYING TO OBTAIN THE CANCELLATION

OF LI CHU-SHENG'S APPOINTMENT IS THAT THE KNOWLEDGE OF HIS

INTELLIGENCE AND SUBVERSIVE RECORD IN INDONESIA AND OF HIS REFUSAL

BY THE SWISS IS SO WIDESPREAD

THAT THE APPOINTMENT WOULD HAVE A VERY UNFORTUNATE EFFECT ON

OPINION IN HONG KONG.

4. ON THE POINT OF SUBSTANCE THEREFORE I THINK THAT MY

RECOMMENDATION FROM HERE MUST BE THAT WE SHOULD SIMPLY ACQUIESCE

IN THE APPOINTMENT WITHOUT TRYING TO GET IT WITHDRAWN,

ADDIS

FILES

HKI OD FED

MR WILFORD

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

-2- SECRET

A

Secretary of State.

26

Mr Evans

Mr Wxford

Mr Logan

SECRET

Agreed.

N.R.

The Private Secretary

THE NONA REPRESENTATIVE IN HONG KONG

(24 11.

M' bilfers.

2) M

1

The Governor of Hong Kong has sent us an account of the ways in which he has already improved the treatment which he gives to the head of the NCNA in Hong Kong. The purpose of this improvement is to take some of the heat out of Chinese requests for the appointment of an Official Representative of their Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Hong Kong.

美しい

2. The Governor asks that we should make no mention of these very minor moves in any discussions about the Represen- tation issue with the Chinese.

3.

I believe this advice to be right, and recommend we should follow it. Sir Murray Maclehose also suggests a plausible line for us to follow (para 6) should the Chinese themselves refer to the changes which have been made.

Gellark

GB Clark

Far Eastern Department

24/3

15 March 1973

I think in ai we showed fall in with The Governor's request and his

suggestion

Chinese comments. The argument in

abow responding! Paragraphs of his leve are, i om save, rocid. Mi Stuart agrees.

2. I submit a drafi reply.

R.M. Evens

Sagree

RET

15 March, 1973.

I

LAMEDIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

FM HONG KONG 1407102

SECRET

SECRET

TO IMMEDIATE F C O TELNO 288 OF 14TH MARCH, 1973. INFO IMMEDIATE PEKING (PERSONAL FOR AMBASSADOR).

FOR WILFORD FROM GOVERNOR.

VICA APPLICATION BY LI CHU-SHENG.

WITH THE FACTS ESTABLISHED I SUGGEST WE REVERT TO NORMAL CHANNELS,

(

2. I AM AFRAID I WOULD SEE SERIOUS OBJECTION TO THE INCLUSION IN

ANY REPRESENTATIONS, WHEREEVER MADE, OF HM AMBASSADOR'S PROPOSED SECOND SENTENCE. THIS IS BECAUSE IT SO GREATLY OVERSTATES THE PRESENT FOSITION AS TO IMPLY A PROMISE OF A NEW RELATIONSHIP. WHILE I WISH GRADUALLY TO ACHIEVE THIS, I DO NOT WANT THIS TO BE THE SUBJECT OF AN IMPLIED OR DEDUCED PROMISE, NOR DO I WANT THESE MOVES, WHICH I HAVE INITIATED, DISCUSSED OR ACKNOWLDGED ON THE OFFICIAL KET, AT ANY RATE UNTIL THEY HAVE GOT A GOOD DEAL FURTHER (PARA 5 CF MY LETTER TO YOU OF 3 MARCH REFERS)

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3. IN CASE YOU MAY AGREE WITH THE FOREGOING, AND BEFORE HIS SOBUST AND HELPFUL PROPOSAL IS CONSIDERED FURTHER, H.M. AMBASSADOR MIGHT LIKE TO SAY WHETHER HE CONSIDERS HIS PROPOSED LINE WORTH FOLLOWING SUPPOSING THIS DELETION WERE MADE.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

HKI OD PED

FORD

SECRET

MR WILFORD

ます

18/3

SECRET

36

GOVERNMENT HOUSE HONG KONG

香港總督府

Minnie?

3rd March 1973

Des Michel,

R.EX 1573.

FED

PARION ACSIS'S

I agree with x over. I think a

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Mur'

In my despatch of 11th January about representation I reported that I would seek gradually to establish a working, but unofficial and unrecognised, relationship with the head of NCNA here, Liang Wai-lam. I will not report to you blow by blow, because the details of each little incident are so trivial.

2.

However, I should tell you that at the Cuban National Day, i.e. on 29 January, I did say to him that while as he knew I was accessible to everyone, and that many people from all sections of the community came to see me, I noticed that he never did so. I therefore wanted him to know that if he ever did want to have a chat with me my door was open and I would be glad to see him.

3.

He subsequently reported this with every sign of pleasure to Dick Lee (who as you may know is the member of the Lee family who keeps contact with the Left). After explaining what I had said he asked Dick whether he, Dick, ever invited me to dinner. Dick reported all this to me and I told him to reply. if Liang pressed him, that he understood that I dined out very little, but that since I was a notoriously straight-forward person, if I had suggested that he could see me if he wanted to, it might be better if Liang took me at my word instead of trying to fix up a rendezvous through third parties.

4.

We have since heard that Liang has reported my offer to Peking.

5.

I do not know what if anything will result. But I would repeat here what I said in the despatch. This is a delicate business, and the pace cannot be forced. Nor in my opinion, would the MFA ever accept that an unofficial contact, even if well-established

K.M. Wilford Esq., CMG,

Foreign & Commonwealth Office.

SECRET

SECRET

2.

X

and considerably used, was any substitute for the official representation they have demanded. I do therefore ask that these tentative and in themselves insignificant moves should not be referred to in any discussions about the representation issue with the MFA or the Chinese ambassador in London.

6.

If by any chance they themselves make some reference to the departure from tradition, I suggest that you should not enlarge on it or in any way claim credit, but merely say that it would appear to be more consistent with the friendly relations now established between HMG and the CPG.

7.

John Addis.

I am sending a copy of this letter to

You

12--1

SECRET

COVERING SECRET

Mr Wilford

Iki

HONG KONG : AIR SERVICES NEGOTIATIONS AND CHINESE

REPRESENTATION

1. I submit a draft telegram in reply to Hong Kong

telegram No 234. Mr Stuart concurs in its terms.

2.

(a) and (b) in paragraph 3 are based on a

conversation which I had with the Private Secretary

yesterday evening.

R M Evans

1 March 1973

Far Eastern Department

CONFIDAVALAL

23

T

+

OUTWARD

FAR EASTERN

stiment

Drafted by

TELEGRAM

RM EVANS

Tel. Extn.

MA 553

DESKBY

FOR

Ì COMMS. DEPT.

(Date)

USE

Despatched

POSTBY

(Time)

Z

PREAMBLE

Security Clasification

SECRET

Precedence PRIORITY

| (Time of Origin)

"Z(G.M.T.)

(Restrictive Prefix}..

Caveat/

CYPHER

(Security Class.)-

Privacy Marking)

(Coderoord)

(Deskby)

FRIORITY

GOVERNOR HONG KONG

TO.

(precedence)

(post) Governor)

(Personal fotel No.

AND TO (precedence/post)

AND SAVING TO

REPEATED TO (for info) PRIVNINY FAKING

Z

Distribution:-

Files

FED

KIMOD

SAVING TO (for info)

Bir Eric Norris

Dir Duncan watson Mr Wilford

Copies to:- Hong Long

Government Office

L

[TEXT]

Following from Wilford.

Your telegram No 234: AIR SERVICES NEGOTIATIONS AND

CHINES. RLFROSENTATION

1.

Thank you for the suggestion that the Secretary

of State might broach the subject of Chinese representation

with Chi P'eng-fei in Paris.

2. Pep much the same possono es pounselé, We are on

balance not inclined to brief the Secretary of State

to bring the subject up. Against the background of all

the Chinese have said to us about the negotiation of an

Air Services Agreement (Peking telegram No 145 and Fai

Hsiang-kuo's remarks to the becretary of State and

Er walker), we do not judge that the Chinese are likely

to make the negotiations of an Agreement conditional on

/a change

#1-

+

je in our position about representation.

We are

more likely to run into trouble over te veferenca: TO

merigration of Hong Kong

Spot in the

schedule annexed to any Agreement and/or over the service

of China Air lings to Hong Kong.

llavee

3. There are other considerations:

(a) Chi P'eng-fei did not mention the subject of

Chinese representation when the Secretary of State

gave him dinner in Paris on 27 February; it would

seem gratuitous for the Secretary of State to

broach the subject now;

(b) It now seems very much on the cards that Chi

P'eng-fei will pay his official visit to this country in May (we shall telegraph separately

about this when the Secretary of State has had the

chance to have another word with Chi P'eng-fei

during his second visit to Faris); and

(c) Even if there is some risk of the Chinese

mentioning representation during the negotiation of an Air Services Agreement, we think that our

primary interest is to get our timing right in

speaking to them about representation.

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

1

PRIORITY

SECRET

CYPHER CAT A

L

Copy on

(FE)

FM F C O #11738Z

SECRET

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO 217 CF 01 MARCH/INFO PRIORITY PEKING.

FOLLOWING PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR FROM WILFORD.

YOUR TELNO 234: AIR SERVICES NEGOTIATIONS AND CHINESE REPRESENTATION

1. THANK YOU FOR THE SUGGESTION THAT THE SECRETARY OF STATE MIGHT

BROACH THE SUBJECT OF CHINESE REPRESENTATION WITH CHI P'ENG-FEI

IN PARIS.

2. WE ARE ON BALANCE NOT INCLINED TO BRIEF THE SECRETARY OF STATE

TO BRING THE SUBJECT UP, AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF ALL THE CHINESE

HAVE SAID TO US ABOUT THE NEGOTIATION OF AN AIR SERVICES AGREEMENT (PEKING TELMO 145 AND PAI PS|ANG-KLO'S REMARKS TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MR WALKER), WE DO NOT JUDGE THAT THE CHINESE ARE LIKELY

TO MAKE THE NEGOTIATIONS OF AN AGREEMENT CONDITIONAL ON A CHANGE

IN CUR POSITION ABOUT REPRESENTATION, WE ARE MUCH MORE LIKELY TO

RUN INTO TROUBLE OVER REFERENCES TO HONG KONG IN THE SCHEDULE

ANNEXED TO ANY ACREEMENT AND/OR OVER THE SERVICE OF CHINA AIRLINES

TO HONG KONG,

7. THERE ARE THREE OTHER CONSIDERATIONS:

(A) CHI P'ENG-FEI DID NOT MENTION THE SUBJECT OF CHINESE REPRESEN-

TATION WHEN THE SECRETARY OF STATE GAVE HIM DINNER IN PARIS ON. 27 FEBRUARY: IT WOULD SEEM GRATUITOUS FOR THE SECRETARY OF

STATE TO BROACH THE SUBJECT NOW:

(B) IT NOW SEEMS VERY MUCH ON THE CARDS THAT CHI P'ENG-FEI WILL PAY

HIS OFFICIAL VISIT TO THIS COUNTRY IN MAY (WE SHALL TELEGRAPH SEPARATELY ABOUT THIS WHEN THE SECRETARY OF STATE HAS HAD THE CHANCE TO HAVE ANOTHER WORD WITH CHI P'ENG-FE1 DURING HIS

SECOND VISIT TO PARIS); AND

(C) EVEN IF THERE IS SOME RISK OF THE CHINESE MENTIONING REPRESEN- TATION DURING THE NECOTIATION OF AN AIR SERVICES AGREEMENT, WE

THINK THAT CUR PRIMARY INTEREST IS TO GET OUR TIMING RIGHT IN

SPEAKING TO THEM ABOUT REPRESENTATION.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

FED

HKIOD

SIR E NORRIS

SIR D WATSON

MR WILFORD

SECRET

COPIES TO:

HK GOVT OFFICE

6 GRAFTON ST LONDON W1.

PRIORITY

CYPHER CAT A

A FCO 1218467

DED IP

SECRET

SECRET

Now Enje.

R.E. 1572.

Mi Heine.da

не чей

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(FE)

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I have drawn on thi

1312. for the Inn of for pas

and Riome- for thriner cas

TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG(PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR) TEL NO 157 OF 12 FEBRUARY AND TO PEKING (PERSONAL FOR AMBASSADOR) INFO PRIORITY TOKYO (PERSONAL FOR WILFORD)

R.E.

137:

HONG KONG TELEGRAMS NO 133 AND NO 142 AND PEKING TELEGRAM NO 109

(NONE TO TOKYO): CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

FOLLOWING FROM HORRIS.

Ex 5/6

#

1. WE ARE MOST GRATEFUL TO YOU SCTH FOR YOUR HELPFUL ADVICE ON

THIS DIFFICULT SUBJECT.

2. THE SECRETARY OF STATE HAS DECIDED TO USE THE FOLLOWING FORMS

OF WORDS WHEN CHI P'ENG-FEI VISITS LONDON.

BEGINS:

''I DISCUSSED THIS SUBJECT WITH YOU AND WITH THE PRIME MINISTER

MIEN I VISITED CHINA LAST AUTUMN. I TOLD THE PRIME MINISTER ON 1

NOVEMBER THAT I WOULD LIKE TO THINK ABOUT THE MATTER AND I WOULD GET

IN TOUCH WITH YOU IN DUE COURSE.

THE POSITIONS OF OUR TWO GOVERNMENTS ON THE STATUS OF HONG KONG

ARE NECESSARILY DIFFERENT. BUT, AS I SEE IT, WE HAVE TWG IMPORTANT

INTERESTS IN COMMON, THESE ARE TO PRESERVE THE STABILITY AND

PROSPERITY OF HONG KONG AND TO PRESERVE THE RELATIONSHIP WHICH HAS

DEVELOPED BETWEEN OUR TWO COUNTRIES. SO FAR AS HONG KONG IS CONCERNED, STABILITY AND PROSPERITY DEPEND ON COSFIDENCE. CONFIDENCE IS A TENDER PLANT: IT GROWS ONLY SLOWLY, BUT CAN WILT VERY QUICKLY. IF, AS I BELIEVE, WE SHARE AN INTEREST IN THE STABILITY AND PROSPERITY OF HONG KONG, IT FOLLOWS THAT WE ALSO SHARE AN INTEREST

IN THE PRESERVATION OF CONFIDENCE THERE.

AS FAR AS THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA ARE CONCERNED,

THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT THAT THE SITUATION IN HONG KONG IS A FACTOR OF IMPORTANCE, IF, THEREFORE, WE SHARE AN INTEREST IN PRESERVING COOD RELATIONS BETWEEN OUR TWO COUNTRIES, WE ALSO SHARE AN INTEREST IN DOING NOTHING IN, OR OVER, HONG KONG WHICH COULD DISTURB THE

SITUATION THERE.

I HAVE

SECRET

SECRET

I HAVE GIVEN MOST CAREFUL CONSIDERATION TO YOUR PROPOSAL SINCE I SPOKE TO YOU AND THE PRIME MINISTER LAST AUTUMN. IN THE LIGHT OF THIS CONSIDERATION I HAVE COME TO THE CONCLUSION THAT THE TIME NOT RIPE FOR A CHANGE IN THE PATTERN OF YOUR REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG. I WOULD THEREFORE ASK YOU NOT TO PRESS YOUR PROPOSAL. IT IS MY JUDGEMENT THAT IT WILL BE SOME TIME BEFORE CIRCUMSTANCES MIGHT CHANGE IN SUCH A WAY AS TO WARRANT AN ALTERATION IN THE ARRANGEMENTS

WHICH NOW EXIST''.

ENDS.

HE WILL GIVE CHI P'ENG-FEI A COPY OF THIS TEXT.

3. OUR PURPOSE IS TO PERSUADE THE CHINESE TO SHELVE THEIR PROPOSAL FOR A MATTER OF YEARS, WITHOUT DOING ANY SERIOUS DAMAGE TO ARCLO- CHINESE RELATIONS. WE BELIEVE THAT THE USE OF THIS FORM OF WORDS WILL GIVE US THE BEST HOPE OF ACHIEVING THIS PURPOSE.

4. WE NOW KNOW THAT CHI P'ENG-FEI WILL NOT VISIT LONDON FROM 22 FEBRUARY TO 25 FEBRUARY (PEKING TELEGRAM NO 157 HOT TO TOKYC). BUT THE SECRETARY OF STATE WILL INEVITABLY SEE A GOOD DEAL OF HIM AT THE CONFERENCE ON VIETNAM IN PARIS. WE SHALL RECOMMEND TO HIM THAT HE SHOULD NOT BROACH THE SUBJECT WITH CHI PENG-FEI IN PARIS. WE SHALL ALSO RECOMMEND THAT, IF THE LATTER SHOULD BRING IT UP, HE SHOULD CONFINE HIMSELF TO SAYING THAT HE HAS GIVEN THE CHIMESE PROPOSAL KOST CAREFUL CONSIDERATION AND WILL BE READY TO SPEAK ABOUT IT WHEN CHI P'ENG-FEI VISITS LONDON.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

HD FED

HD HKIOD

PS/MR ROYLE PS/PUS

SIR E NORRIS MR WILFORD

2

·

SECRET

-

Sir Eric Nofris

SECRET

X

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

33.7

2

MiHeivel 13/2

Herus

mi Clark 1012 R.E.

Enier.

I submit a draft telegram to Hong Kong and to Peking

(to be repeated to Tokyo for Mr Wilford).

1.

2.

We now know for certain that Chi P'eng-fei will not

リマ

дво

be visiting London at the end of February (Peking telegram

1812.

13/2

A

No 157).

FEE

3.

Mr Stuart concurs.

12 February 1973

CC

R.M. Erans

RM Evans

Far Eastern Department

Mr Stuart (without attachment)

As proporca

14/2

SECRET

SECRET

IMMEDIATE

CYPHER CAT A

FM FCO 091820Z

SECRET

KONG

(FE* 3/30

TO IMMEDIATE GOVERNOR HONG KONG TEL NO 154 OF 9 FEBRUARY 1973 INFO PRIORITY PEKING

PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR,

YOUR TELEGRAMS NOS 148 AND 156: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

1. IF PRESSURE BUILDS UP ON THIS STORY, IT WILL BE IMPOSSIBLE TO MAINTAIN THE LINE CONTAINED IN YOUR PARAGRAPH 2. IT HAS THEREFORE BEEN AGREED, SUBJECT TO YOUR VIEWS, THAT IN RESPONSE TO FURTHER QUESTIONING NEWS DEPARTMENT AND GOVERNMENT INFORMATION SERVICES SHOULD TAKE THE FOLLOWING LINE AS APPROPRIATE:

ON THE RECORD: IT IS NO SECRET THAT THE QUESTION OF CHINESE

REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG HAS BEEN THE SUBJECT OF EXCHANGES

BETWEEN THE CHINESE AND BRITISH GOVERNMENTS FROM TIME TO TIME,

THERE MAY VERY WELL BE FURTHER EXCHANGES IN THE FUTURE.

BACKGROUND 1

A) THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT FIRST RAISED THE QUESTION OF OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG IN 1956( AS WAS MENTIONED IN AN ARTICLE IN CHINA QUARTERLY IN SEPTEMBER 1972).

B) SEVERAL OFFICIAL CHINESE AGENCIES HAVE OFFICES IN HONG KONG AND HAVE A WORKING RELATIONSHIP WITH THE GOVERNMENT, EG THE NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY, THE BANK OF CHINA, THE CHINA INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL SERVICE (WHICH ISSUES VISAS) AND THE CHINESE STATE SHIPPING CORPORATION,

2. WE REALISE THAT THE REFERENCE TO FURTHER EXCHANGES IN THE FUT- URE'' MAY WELL LEAD TO FURTHER QUESTIONING, HOWEVER, WE MUST HAVE A RESPONSE TO THE QUESTION 'WHAT IS YOUR ATTITUDE TO THE CHINESE

PROPOSAL FOR IMPROVED REPRESENTATION?''

3. WE SHALL SHORTLY BE TELEGRAPHING AGAIN ON THE SUBSTANCE.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

FED

HKI OD

NEWS DEPT 'SIR E NORRIS MR WILFORD

SECRET

187

PRIORITY

CYPHER/CAT A

FMM HONG KONG 190428Z

SECRET

SECRET

TO PRIORITY FCO TELNO 164 OF 18TH FEBRUARY, 1973. INFO ROUTINE

PEKING.

YOUR TELNO 154: RESIDENCE FOR A CHINESE REPRESENTATIVE IN HONG KONG,

I AGREE, BUT SUGGEST ONLY USE LAST SENTENCE OF SECOND PARA,

IF PRESSED AND IN ANSWER TO QUESTION.

2. BUT THE STORY SEEMS TO BE DEAD. IT RELATED TO THE TWO

FORMER CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS HOUSES AT MAGAZINE CAP. SINCE THE

DEPARTURE OF THE LAST COMMISSIONER IN 1950 THEY HAVE OFTEN BEEN

VACANT AND GENERALLY LITTLE USED AND WERE BECOMING DILAPIDATED.

ABOUT 15 MONTHS AGO RENOVATION STARTED AND IS NOW MEARING COMPLETION

WE ARE INCLINED TO CONNECT THIS (A) WITH THE IMPENDING DEMOLITION AND REDEVELOPMENT OF FELIX VILLAS, WHERE SOME OF THE COMMERCIAL HIERARCHY LIVED AND PREVIOUSLY TRANSIENTS WERE HOUSED,

AND WHICH WILL NOT BE AVAILABLE FOR A YEAR OR TWO: (D) WITH THE INCREASING NUMBERAND SENIORITY OF CPGDELEGATIONS WHICH VISIT

HONG KONG: (C) WITH PRUDENT MANAGEMENT OF THESE VERY FIND PROPERTIES.

WHICH ARE STILL UNDER THE CONTROL OF THE COMMERCIAL SECTION OF THELOCAL

HIERARCHY.

3. I THINK THE DECISION TO RENOVATE PROBABLY PREDATED THAT TO PRESS FOR REPRESENTATION AND IS UNCONNECTED WITH IT. ALL THE SAME IF THEY HAD A FORMAL REPRESENTATIVE HERE, I SUPPOSE IT IS POSSIBLE HE MIGHT USE ONE OF THESE HOUSES INSPITE OF THEIR BURGEOIS SURROUNDINGS AND HISTORICAL CONNECTION WITH UNEQUAL TREATIES.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

FED

HKIOD

NEWS D

SIR E NORRIS

MR WILFORD

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

SECRET

SECRET.

Reference...

FEH

17

sir & liorris

lir vans FED

hr Stuart HK & IOD

Please destroy the earlier version of this minute

which was sent to you yesterday. This revised version

takes into account the views of Hong Kong and Indian

Ocean Department.

8 February 1973

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JGB Venit

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872

Mr Leahy

Private Secretary

+

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

Hong Kong telegram no 148 reports that two non-communist

newspapers have stated that China intends to station an official

in Hong Kong to deal with foreign affairs affecting Britain, China and

Hong Kong. Because the Hong Kong Government Information Services were

asked whether an approach had been made to the Hong Kong Government,

they have felt able to reply, on the record, "No". This is, however,

a disingenuous line and one which cannot be held for very long; we

must therefore have a form of words ready for use both in Hong Kong

and here should the story develop, as it seems likely to do.

2.

Ministers have yet to decide what the Secretary of State should

say to Chi P'eng-fei about the Chinese proposal for the establishment

of an official representative in Hong Kong. (Far Eastern Department

are submitting separately on this.) It is therefore important

whatever we say to correspondents is neutral. I therefore suggest

that we employ the following line in answer to queations:

On the record:

It is no secret that the question of Chinese

representation in long Kong has been the subject

of exchanges between the Chinese and British

Governments from time to time. There may very well be

further exchanges in the future.

Background:

(a) The Chinese Government first raised the

question of improved representation in Hong Kong in

1956 (as was mentioned in an article in China

Quarterly in September 1972).

3.

(b)

Several official Chinese agencies have offices

in Hong Kong and have a working relationship with the

government, e.g. the Now China News Agency, the Bank of

China, the China International Travel Service (which issues

visas) and the Chinese state shipping corporation.

Far Eastern Department and Hong Kong and Indian Ocean

Department agree.

We shall need to telegraph the agreed line

to liong Kong whether or not they get further enquiries.

7 February 1973

Jole weait

J G B Weait

News Department

CC

Sir E Norris

Mr Evans FED

Mr Stuart UK & IOD

Mr Leahy

Private Secretary

SECRET.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

15

12/21/1

26

16A

Hong Kong telegram no 148 reports that two non-communist newspapers have stated that China intends to station an official in Hong Kong to deal with foreign affairs affecting Britain, China and Hong Kong. Because the Hong Kong Government Information Services were asked whether an approach had been made to the Hong Kong Government, they have felt able to reply, on the record, "No". This is, however a disingenuous line and one which cannot be held for very long; we must therefore have a form of words ready for use both in Hong Kong and here should the story develop, as it seems likely to do.

2.

Ministers have yet to decide what the Secretary of State should say to Chi P'eng-fei about the Chinese proposal for the establishment of an official representative in Hong Kong. (Far Eastern Department are submitting separately on this.) It is therefore important whatever we say to correspondents is neutral. I therefore suggest that we employ the following line in answer to questions:

Mor Hervey

Yes. A Mvise has circulated

On the record:

It is no secret that the question of Chinese

representation in Hong Kong has been the subject

of exchanges between the Chinese and British

Governments from time to time. These exchanges

are continuing.

Background:

(a) The Chinese Government first raised the question of improved representation in Hong Kong in 1956 (as was mentioned in an article in China

Quarterly in September 1972).

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(b) Several official Chinese agencies have offices in Hong Kong and have a working relationship with the government, e.g. the New China News Agency, the Bank of China, the China International Travel Service (which

issues visas) and the Chinese state shipping corporation.

Far Eastern Department agree. We shall need to telegraph

the agreed line to Hong Kong whether or not they get further

enquiries.

3.

7 February 1973

co

Sir E Norris

Mr Evans FED Mr Stewart

JGB Weait News Department

IMMEDIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

+

+pa.

CONFIDENTIAL

To

FM HONG KONG Ø80858Z

CONFIDENTIAL

TO IMMEDIATE F C O TELNO 156 OF 8TH FEBRUARY, 1973. INFO PRIORITY

PEKING.

一回

MY TELEGRAM NUMBER 148: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

TODAY'S SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST PICKING UP STORY

REPORTED IN MY REFERENCE TELEGRAM, STATES THAT ''LEFT-WING SOURCES''

HAD ''FLATLY DISMISSED AS NONSENSE' SUGGESTIONS THAT THE HOUSE

IN QUESTION MIGHT BE USED AS THE RESIDENCE OF A CHINESE

FOREIGN MINISTRY REPRESENTATIVE.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

'REPEATED AS REQUESTED

FO

HKIOD

MR WILFORD

SIR E. NORRIS

CONFIDENTIAL

+

MADIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

FM HONG KONG 070750Z

SECRET

SECRET

1973

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 148 OF 7 FEBRUARY/INFO PRIORITY PEKING.

MY DESPATCH NUMBER 14 OF 11 JANUARY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN

HONG KONG.

TWO NON-COMMUNIST LOCAL NEWSPAPERS, SING TAO JIH PAO AND FAI PAO, REPORTED PROMINENTLY YESTERDAY (TUESDAY) THAT CHINA INTENDS

TO STATION AN OFFICIAL IN HONG KONG TO DEAL WITH FOREIGN AFFAIRS

AFFECTING BRITAIN, CHINA AND HONG KONG, BOTH PAPERS CARRIED PHOTOGRAPHS OF A HOUSE IN MAGAZINE GAP WHICH, THEY SAY, WILL BE USED

BY THE NEW REPRESENTATIVE.

+

2. AS A RSULT OF THESE REPORTS THE GOVERNMENT INFORMATION SERVICES HAVE RECEIVED QUESTIONS FROM ONE OTHER NEWSPAPER, ASKING FOR CONFIRMATION. IN REPLY TO THE QUESTION: QUOTE HAS THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT APPLIED TO THE HONG KONG GOVERNMENT TO ESTABLISH A

FOREIGN AFFAIRS OFFICE IN HONG KONG? UNQUOTE THE GIS HAVE SAID

QUOTE NO UNQUOTE.

3. IF THERE ARE FURTHER QUESTIONS REFERRING TO DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN

PEKING AND LONDON ON THIS SUBJECT WE WILL CONSULT YOU BEFORE

REPLYING.

MACLEHOSE

FILES

FED HKI OD

MR WILFORD

4

SECRET

(Submission

below)

ThEO

The subkutin

has soo howard

1/

Mr Evans

SECRET

Reference

Fal

Sis Evic Noins!

(14

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG / Enici oda.

1. Sir Murray MacLehose's underlying objection to your original draft was that, by comparing it with what has been said to the Chinese in the past, they might conclude that it was only a wayside station and that next time they pressed we would retreat a little more to the point where we would agree to a repre- sentative within the foreseeable future. He therefore suggested the deletion of the last 3 sentences of your draft. But we agreed that this might have the opposite effect to that intended.

Wha

I

2. de spoke to Sir Eris Norris the other day, wondered whether the Governor's point might be met by leaving your last paragraph more or less as it was but by inserting in the body of the Speaking Note a passage to make it clear that this was a definitive and not a passing judgement. At the same time we could make it plain that our judgement that the appointment of a representative would harm confidence, was not founded on distrust of the Chinese but on the logic of the situation and the probable reaction to such an appointment both inside and outside Hong Kong.

3. You are the expert on the reactions of the Chinese and will know better than I whether it would be helpful to spell this last point out. But if we could insert something on the lines of the attached passage, between the paragraph ending "... disturb the situation there" and the one beginning "I would therefore ask you...

..", this would make the point and meet Sir Murray MacLehose's preoccupation while at the same time making it possible to retain the last paragraph of your original draft in the formal Speaking Note.

mi sinart. Abs /

Ti Heiver for 912

m: Chart 12/2

12/

6 February 1973

A C Stuart

Hong Kong & Indian Ocean Department

But,

1. It would certainly be better in logic to add a passage of the kind suggested by Mr Stuart. politically speaking, I just do not think it is possible for the Secretary of State to tell Chi P'eng-fei that the appointment of an official Chinese representative would undermine the confidence on which the stability of Hong Kong depends.

I should therefore prefer this point to be made by implication in whatever the Secretary of State may say on the record.

/2.

DO897261 230443 300M 571 ON 160A

SECRET

4

SECRET

2. As you will see, I have not dealt in my submission with the question of whether the subject should be put to DOP. My own view on this is that it ought to go to DOP if the Secretary of State decides in favour of any course other than courses (a), (b) and (f).

3. I have just seen Hong Kong telegram No 148 (of which Í attach an advance copy). I am consulting News Department urgently about the line which they might take if they receive enquiries. The answer given by the Government Information Services in Hong Kong is strictly speaking true; but it contains an element of suggestio falsi. We shall need to watch the publicity aspect with great care during the period between now and the date of Chi P'eng-fei's arrival in London.

7 February 1973

R.M.Erons

RM Evans

Far Eastern Department

RE.

9/2

SECRET

મ.

00 FCO

PP I NG

GPS 100

CYPHER/CAT A

FM HONG KONG £767532

SECRET

SCOTET

ADVANCE COPY

IMMEDIATE

Mr Wilfred And FED Hal HK & I Y

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 148 OF 7 FEBRUARY INFO PRIORITY PEKING.

MY DESPATCH NUMBER 14 OF 11 JANUARY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

TWO NON-COMMUNIST LOCAL NEWSPAPERS, SING TAO JIH PAO AND FAI PAO, REPORTED PROMINENTLY YESTERDAY (TUESDAY) THAT CHINA INTENDS TQ STATION AN OFFICIAL IN HONG KONG TO DEAL WITH FOREIGN AFFAIRS AFFECTING BRITAIN, CHINA AND HONG KONG, BOTH PAPERS CARRIED PHOTOGRAPHS OF A HOUSE IN MAGAZINE GAP WHICH, THEY GAY, WILL BE USED

BY THE NEW REPRESENTATIVE.

2. AS 'A RSULT OF THESE REPORTS THE COVERNMENT INFORMATION SERVICES HAVE RECEIVED QUESTIONS FROM ONE OTHER NEWSPAPER, ASKING FOR CONFIRMATION, IN REPLY TO THE QUESTION: QUOTE HAS THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT APPLIED TO THE HONG KONG COVERNMENT TO ESTABLISH A FOREIGN AFFAIRS OFFICE IN HONG KONG? UNQUOTE THE GIS HAVE SAID QUOTE NO DNQUOTE.

3. IF THERE ARE FURTHER QUESTIONS REFERRING TO DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN PEKING AND LONDON ON THIS SUBJECT WE WILL CONSULT YOU BEFORE REPLYING.

MACLEHOSE

KNNN

SENT AT 07/07552 RD

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Sir Eric Norris

Mr. Evanz (PED)

This se

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CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

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live

momit kro to the Sots.

AR

,

A. B

1. The Chinese Foreign Minister and the Chinese Prime Minister

both broached this subject with the Secretary of State during

his visit to Peking last autumn. On 1 November, the Secretary

of State told Chou Eh-lai that he would like to think about the

matter and that he would get in touch with Chi P'eng-fei in due

course. Chi Peng-fei is bound to bring the subject up during his visit to this country from 22 February to 25 February. should the Secretary of State respond?

Background

2.

How

The Chinese have proposed that a representative of the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Peking should be established in

Hong Kong. They first made this proposal in 1956.

It was

rejected by Mr Selwyn Lloyd in 1958. Chou En-lai brought it up

again with Mr Denson in February 1971. It has since been

pursued by Chang Wen-chin with Sir John Addis (in March 1972);

by Ch'iao Kuan-hua with Mr Royle (in May 1972); and by Chi

A, B P'eng-fei and Chou in-lai with the Secretary of State (in October

and November 1972). The history of the case is set out in

detail in paragraphs 2 to 6 of Sir John Addis's despatch of

18 December 1972.

Argument

3. In May 1972, Mr koyle told Ch'iao Kuan-hua that we could

not accept the Chinese proposal. The Secretary of State maintained this refusal in the autumn (though he undertook to think the matter over). The course which will be open to the

1

-

Mr Ogres

SECRET

Тор

/Secretary

москвор

San Nicas...

And maker

Rogle li

PUS: M

13

Secretary of State when he meets Chi P'eng-fei at the end of this month are:

(a)

(b)

To maintain our refusal to consider the Chinese proposal;

To say that we have given very careful consideration

to the Chinese proposal, but that we do not think the time is ripe for the Chinese to pursue it;

- ד

(c)

(a)

(e)

(1)

L

To say that we might be prepared to consider the Chinese proposal on condition that the Chinese would be prepared to designate their official representative as a Consul General;

To say that we are prepared to explore the implications of the Chinese proposal in confidential bilateral discussions;

To accept the Chinese proposal in principle as it stands;

and

To say that we need further time to consider the Chinese

proposal.

The course favoured by Sir Murray MacLehose is course

(a). His essential point is that he sees "the seeds of conflict and confrontation" in acceptance of the Chinese proposal (paragraph 13 (c) of his despatch of 11 January 1973). Sir John Addis favours course (d). The nub of his argument is that rejection of the Chinese proposal would entail "a steady deterioration in bilateral relations on all fronts, political as well as commercial" (paragraph 7 of his despatch of

18 December). The principal argument for and against each of the courses are set out in a paper recently prepared by the Department.

A

Z

- 2 -

SECRET

15.

F

G,

, H

H

H

H

5.

In discussion with you, Mr Royle agreed that we should recommend course (b) to the Secretary of State. With this in

mind, we drafted a form of words for the Secretary of State to

use in speaking to Chi P'eng-fei. We put this form of words to Sir Murray MacLehose and Sir John Addis, inviting their comments (FCO telegram No 116 to Hong Kong). It is clear from their replies that Sir Murray MacLehose still favours course (a) (Hong Kong telegrams No 13 and No 142) and Sir John Addis favours course (d), perhaps to some extent modified (Peking

telegram No 109). These attitudes are not reconcilable.

6. I believe that our purpose should be to get the Chinese to desist from pressing their proposal for a period of years in the manner which is least likely to harm Anglo-Chinese relations. I believe that course (b) is the course which gives us the best chance of achieving this purpose. It would be less likely to damage Anglo-Chinese relations than course (a); and I do not believe (pace Sir Murray MacLehose) that it need

entail us in a more or less continuing dialogue with the Chinese (Hong Kong telegram No 142, paragraph 2). In order, however, to reduce the risk of encouraging the Chinese to

return to the charge, I have substituted fresh language for

the four final sentences in the form of words which we

telegraphed to Sir Murray MacLehose and Sir John Addis. As

you will see, I have made the concluding passage shorter; to compensate, however, I have added two sentences for the

Secretary of State to use if pressed. I have also adopted the amendment suggested by Sir John Addis (Peking telegram No 109,

paragraph 3).

-3-

SECRET

17.

+

1

+

+

7.

There are also two tactical problems:

(a)

Ought the Secretary of State to bring up the subject

or to leave the running to Chi Peng-fei;

(b)

Ought the Secretary of State to give Chi P'eng-fei

anything in writing.

So far as (a) is concerned, it might be better for the

Secretary of State to broach the subject himself. He has under-

taken to get in touch with Chi P'eng-fei; and it is certain that

Chi P'eng-fei will bring the subject up if he does not do this

himself. As regards (b), there is a strong case for the Secretary of State to give Chi P'eng-fei something in writing.

The Chinese set great store by exact forms of words; and there

is a danger that the nuances of what the Secretary of State has

to say will be lost during interpretation.

Recommendation

B.

Against this background, my recommendations are that:

(a) The Secretary of State should himself broach the subject

(b)

(a)

with Chi P'eng-fei;

He should speak in the terms of the form of words

attached to this submission; and

He should give Chi P'eng-fei a copy of this form of words.

9. Hong Kong and Indian Ocean Department concur.

6 February 1973

CC

Mr Logan✔

Sir Duncan Watson (with attachments)

Mr Stuart Mr Hervey

4

GLORAT

R M Evans

Far Eastern Department

H

·

:

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

"I discussed this subject with you and with the

Prime Minister when I visited China last autumn. I

told the Prime Minister on 1 November that I would

like to think about the matter and I would get in

touch with you in due course.

"The positions of our two Governments on the

status of Hong Kong are necessarily differant.

But,

as I see it, we have two important interests in

common. These are to preserve the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and to preserve the relation-

ship which has developed between our two countries.

So far as Hong Kong is concerned, stability and

prosperity depend on confidence. Confidence is a

tender plant: it grows only slowly, but can wilt very

quickly. If, as I belive, we share an interest in

the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong, it follows that we also share an interest in the preservation of

confidence there.

"As far as relations between Britain and China

are concerned, there can be no doubt that the situation

in Hong Kong is a factor of importance. If, therefore,

we share an interest in preserving good relations

between our two countries, we also share an interest

in doing nothing in, or over, Hong Kong which could

disturb the situation there.

"I would therefore ask you not to press your

proposal.

We do not think that the time has come for

a change in the pattern of your representation in

Hong Kong.

(If Pressed)

"We shall, of course, give careful consideration

/to your

:

+

to your proposal if you decide at any time to renew

it.

But we do not expect any early change in the

circumstances which now prevail."

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

A, B

A, B

(including

3

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Sir ri

fris Borris

PUS

SECRET

ссерта

"FED Glinda wody,

Mr Royle Print Screen

.\

13

+ Secretary of State. (1) If you would like to

study the back

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wish to

Por you 1) to take these on the plane

CHINESE KOMMENTATION IN HONG KONG

Froblem

to think about it.

есть

1. The Chinese Foreign Minister and the Chinese Prime Minister

both broached this subject with the Secretary of State during

his visit to Feking last autumn. On 1 November, the Secretary

of State told Chou En-lai that he would like to think about the

matter and that he would get in touch with Chi F'eng-fei in due

course. Chi P'eng-fei is bound to bring the subject up during

his visit to this country from 22 February to 25 February. How

should the Secretary of State respond?

Background

2. The Chinese have proposed that a representative of the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Peking should be established in

Hong Kong. They first made this proposal in 1956. It was

rejected by Mr Selwyn Lloyd in 1958.

Chou En-lai brought it up

again with Mr Denson in February 1971. It has since been

pursued by Chang Wen-chin with Sir John Addis (in March 1972);

by Ch'iao Kuan-hua with Mr Royle (in May 1972); and by Chi

P'eng-fei and Chou En-lai with the Secretary of State (in October

and November 1972). The history of the case is set out in

detail in paragraphs 2 to 6 of Sir John Addis's despatch of

18 December 1972.

Argument

L

3. In May 1972, Mr Royle told Ch'iao Kuan-hua that we could

not accept the Chinese proposal. The Secretary of State

maintained this refusal in the autumn (though he undertook to

think the matter over). The course which will be open to the

/Secretary

1

SECRET

SECHET

A

C

Secretary of State when he meets Chi P'eng-fei at the end of

this month are:

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

(e)

(f)

4.

To maintain our refusal to consider the Chinese proposal;

To say that we have given very careful consideration

to the Chinese proposal, but that we do not think the

time is ripe for the Chinese to pursue it;

To say that we might be prepared to consider the Chinese

proposal on condition that the Chinese would be prepared

to designate their official representative as a Consul

General;

To say that we are prepared to explore the implications

of the Chinese proposal in confidential bilateral

discussions;

To accept the Chinese proposal in principle as it stands;

and

To say that we need further time to consider the Chinese

proposal.

The course favoured by Sir Murray MacLehose is course

(a). His essential point is that he sees "the seeds of conflict

and confrontation" in acceptance of the Chinese proposal

(paragraph 13 (c) of his despatch of 11 January 1973). Sir

John Addis favours course (d). The nub of his argument is that

rejection of the Chinese proposal would entail "a steady

deterioration in bilateral relations on all fronts, political

as well as commercial" (paragraph 7 of his despatch of

18 December). The principal argument for and against each of

the courses are set out in a paper recently prepared by the

Department.

- 2 -

SECRET

15.

·

SECRET

G,

F

, H

H

H

см

I

5. In discussion with you, Mr Royle agreed that we should

recommend course (b) to the Secretary of State. With this in

mind, we drafted a form of words for the Secretary of State to

use in speaking to Chi P'eng-fei. We put this form of words to

Sir Murray MacLehose and Sir John Addis, inviting their comments

(FCO telegram No 116 to Hong Kong). It is clear from their

replies that Sir Murray MacLehose still favours course (a)

(Hong Kong telegrams No 133 and No 142) and Sir John Addis

favours course (d), perhaps to some extent modified (Peking

telegram No 109). These attitudes are not reconcilable.

6. I believe that our purpose should be to get the Chinese

to desist from pressing their proposal for a period of years

in the manner which is least likely to harm Anglo-Chinese

relations. I believe that course (b) is the course which gives

us the best chance of achieving this purpose. It would be less

likely to damage Anglo-Chinese relations than course (a); and

I do not believe (pace Sir Murray MacLehose) that it need

entail us in a more or less continuing dialogue with the

Chinese (Hong Kong telegram No 142, paragraph 2). In order,

however, to reduce the risk of encouraging the Chinese to

return to the charge, I have substituted fresh language for

the four final sentences in the form of words which we

telegraphed to Sir Murray MacLehose and Sir John Addis.

you will see, I have made the concluding passage shorter; to

compensate, however, I have added two sentences for the

Secretary of State to use if pressed. I have also adopted the

amendment suggested by Sir John Addis (Peking telegram No 109,

paragraph 3).

As

- 3 -

SECRET

17.

SECRET

7.

There are also two tactical problems:

(a)

Ought the Secretary of State to bring up the subject

or to leave the running to Chi P'eng-fei;

(b)

Ought the Secretary of State to give Chi P'eng-fei

anything in writing.

So far as (a) is concerned, it might be better for the

Secretary of State to broach the subject himself. He has under-

taken to get in touch with Chi P'eng-fei; and it is certain that

Chi Feng-fei will bring the subject up if he does not do this

himself. As regards (b), there is a strong case for the

Secretary of State to give hi P'eng-fei something in writing.

The Chinese set great store by exact forms of words; and there

is a danger that the nuances of what the Secretary of State has

to say will be lost during interpretation.

Recommendation

8.

(a)

(b)

(c)

Against this background, my recommendations are that:

The Secretary of State should himself broach the subject

with Chi P'eng-fei;

He should speak in the terms of the form of words

attached to this submission; and

He should give Chi P'eng-fei a copy of this form of words.

9. Hong Kong and Indian Ocean Department concur.

R.M. Erans

R M

Evans

6 February 1973

Co

Mr Logan

Sir Duncan Watson (with attachments)

Mr Stuart

Mr Hervey

Far Eastern Department

4

SECRET

After hulka discussion the final paragraph of the form I word. "has again beer redrafted, and the two sextence for une it presord" referred to in pan 5 of Its submission have been removed.

If the recommended lime is accepted, opcasting notes In subsequent discussia with the Chinese (which wit, I imagine, certainly take plans) will be prodenced.

7/2

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in Hong Kong.

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I believe

a matter of years' is too harsh

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A.R/%/10

2

173.

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

(3)L 51-2406)

SECRET

"I discussed this subject with you and

with the Prime Minister when I visited

China last autumn. I told the Prime Minister

on 1 November that I would like to think

about the matter and I would get in touch

with you in due course.

"The positions of our two Governments

on the status of Hong Kong are necessarily

different. But, as I see it, we have two

important interests in common. These are

to preserve the stability and prosperity

of Hong Kong and to preserve the relationship

which has developed between our two countries.

So far as Hong Kong is concerned, stability

and prosperity depend on confidence.

Confidence is a tender plant: it grows

only slowly, but can wilt very quickly.

If, as I believe, we share an interest in

the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong,

it follows that we also share an interest

in the preservation of confidence there.

"As far as the relations between

Britain and China are concerned, there can

be no doubt that the situation in Hong Kong

is a factor of importance. If, therefore,

we share an interest in preserving good

relations between our two countries, we

also share an interest in doing nothing in,

SECRET

/or

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

51-7406

SECRET

or over, Hong Kong which could disturb

the situation there,

"I have given most careful consideration

to your proposal since I spoke to you and

the Trime Minister last eutumn, in the

light of this con-ideration I have come

to the conclusion that tio time is not ripe

for a change in the pattern of your

representation in Hong Kong. I would

therefore ask you not to press your

proposal. It is my judgment that it will

be some time a matter of years)- before

ممتع

circumstances might change in such a way as

to warrant an alteration in the arrangements

which now exist."

SECRET

IMMEDIATE

CYPHER/CAT A

(12)

SECRET

TC:

COPY

I

FM HONG KONG #29858Z

SECRET

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 142 OF 2ND FEBRUARY, 1973. INFO IMMEDIATE

PEKING.

PEKING TELNO 109.

FEM 3.

FOLLOWING FOR NORRIS,

PARA, 2, 1ST SENTENCE: QUITE RIGHT; BUT I MUST ADMIT TO HAVING SEEN COURSE (B) AS A PRESENTATIONAL VARIANT OF (A) SO FAR AS THE FORESEEABLE FUTURE IS CONCERNED.

2. THIS ISSUE SEEMS TO TURN ON ONE'S JUDGEMENT OF WHETHER A MORE OR LESS CONTINUING DIALOGUE ON THIS QUESTION WITH THE CHINESE IS THE BEST WAY OF KEEPING THE TEMPERATURE DOWN IF RPT IF WE DO NOT INTEND TO GIVE WAY WITHIN THE NEXT YEAR OR TWO. HM AMBASSADOR DOES, I DO NOT, EITHER NIGHT BE RIGHT.

3. BUT WHEREAS IF I AM PROVED WRONG WE CAN SHIFT TO HIS LINE, IF HE IS WRONG WE WILL HAVE GIVEN THE GAME AWAY.

MACLEHOSE

FILED HEAD FED

HEAD HKIOD FS/MR ROYLE SIR E NORRIS

SECRET

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CYPHER/CAT A

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Referred to

Sin E. Norris

на

FED.

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 142 OF 2ND FEBRUARY, 1973. INFO IMMEDIATE

PEKING.

PEKING TELNO 189.

FOLLOWING FOR NORRIS.

Not the intention.

R.E. 22.

PARA. 2, 1ST SENTENCE: QUITE RIGHT, BUT I MUST ADMIT TO HAVING SEEN COURSE (3) AS A PRESENTATIONAL VARIANT OF (A) - SO FAR AS THE FORESEEABLE FUTURE 18 CONCERNED.

2. THIS ISSUE SEEMS TO TURK ON ONE'S JUDGEMENT OF WHETHER A MORE OR LESS CONTINUING DIALOGUE ON THIS QUESTION WITH THE CHINESE IS THE BEST WAY OF KEEPING THE TEMPERATURE DOWN IF RÅT IF WE DO NOT INTEND TO GIVE WAY WITHIN THE NEXT YEAR OR TWO. HM AMBASSADOR DOES, I DO NOT, EITHER MIGHT BE RIGHT.

3. BUT WHEREAS IF I AM PROVED WRONG WE CAN SHIFT TO HIS LINE, IF HE IS WRONG WE WILL HAVE GIVEN THE GAME AWAY.

MACLEHOSE

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1973

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELEGRAM NO 109 OF 1 FEBRUARY/INFO IMMEDIATE HONG KONG ( PERSONAL FOR GOVERNOR).

FOLLOWING FOR NORRIS.

• GOVERNOR).

YOUR TELNO 116 TO HONG KONG AND HONG KONG TELNO 133: CHINESE PEPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

1. MY OWN RECOMMENDATION HAS TO BE AS YOU KNOW IN FAVOUR OF COURSE D WHICH MIGHT HOWEVER BE COMBINED WITH SOMETHING OF COURSE B. THAT IS TO SAY WHILE INFORMING THE CHINESE THAT THE TIME IS NOT YET RIPE FOR AGREEING TO THEIR REQUEST WE COULD LOOK FORWARD TO CONFIDENTIAL BILATERAL DISCUSSIONS AT A LATER STAGE. SOMETHING OF THIS KIND WOULD I THINK BE THE BEST WAY TO GUARD AGAINST CONTINUING AND INCREASING PRESSURE.

2.

SIR MURRAY MACLEHOSE IN HIS TELEGRAM SEEMS TO ME TO PE REALLY ADVOCATING COURSE A. I THINK THAT THE ARGUMENT IN HIS PARAGRAPH 2 IS WRONG, IF WE NOW GIVE WHAT THE CHINESE INTERPRET AS A FIRM REFUSAL LOOKING FORWARD TO NO RELAXATION IN THE FUTURE THAT 1S IN MY OPINION THE BEST WAY TO ENSURE THAT PRESSURE WILL CONTINUE AND POSSIBLY ALSO THAT A CHANGE OF POLICY MAY BE DECIDED ON IN CHINESE CONDUCT TOWARDS HONG KONG.

3. IF THE RECOMMENDATION TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE HAS TO BE IN FAVOUR OF AN UNMODIFIED COURSE B THE ONLY CHANGE WHICH I WOULD SUGGEST IN THE DRAFT IM YOUR PARAGRAPH 3 IS TO REPLACE THE FIRST TWO SENTENCES BY THE FOLLOWING SENTENCE: ''THE POSITIONS OF OUR TWO GOVERNMENTS ON THE STATUS OF HONG KONG ARE NECESSARILY DIFFERENT''.

ADDIS

FILES: HEAD FED

HEAD HKIOD

PS/MR. ROYLE SIN E. NONRIS

SECRET

P

+

INMEDIATE

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P

+

HER/CAT A ONO KONG

311032Z

TOP CORY

CORVATE

TO IMMEDIATE F C O TELNO 133 OF 31ST JANUARY, 1973. INFO IM PEKING.

FOLLOWING PERSONAL FROM GOVERNOR FOR NORRIS.

YOUR TELEGRAM NO. 116: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

1 AM NATURALLY GLAD AND RELIEVED THAT YOU PROPOSE TO RECOMMEND THAT WE SHOULD CONTINUE TO RESIST THIS CHINESE PROPOSAL.

2. THE MOST IMPORTANT THING SEEMS TO ME TO BE THAT IN SPEAKING TO CHI P'ENG FEI THE SECRETARY OF STATE SHOULD USE TERMINOLOGY WHICH, IN THE OPINION OF THE DEPARTMENT AND OF HM AMBASSADOR AT PEKING, IS BEST CALCULATED TO ENSURE THAT THE CHINESE DO NOT DEDUCE THAT WE WILL GIVE WAY NEXT YEAR IT NOT THIS, IF THEY KEEP PRESSING. IM AMBASSADOR MIGHT REPLY THAT THEY WILL PRESS ANYWAY, BUT THERE WOULD BE A GOOD DEAL OF DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THEIR HUNTING TO VIEW AND RUNNING A DOUBTFUL LINE.

3. SHOULD HAVE THOUGH THAT THE BEST WAY TO ACHIEVE THIS EFFECT WOULD BE TO STICK AS NEARLY AS POSSIBLE TO WHAT WAS SAID IN PEKING. THIS WOULD INDICATE THAT ON RECONSIDERATION OUR POSITION HAS NOT CHANGED, AND AVOID ANY MISUNDERSTANDING BASED ON COMPARISON OF WHAT WAS SAID ON THE TWO OCCASIONS.

4. FOR THIS REASON I SUGGEST YOU SHOULD HAVE ANOTHER LOOK AT THE LAST 3 SENTENCES OF THE DRAFT STATEMENT. THIS GOES SIGNIFICANTLY FURTHER THAN WHAT THE SECRETARY OF STATE SAID IN PEKING ('TIME IS A HEALER''), WHICH ITSELF WAS AN ADVANCE ON WHAT WAS SAID BY MR. ROYLE, WHO OFFERED NO HOPE OF ANY EVENTUAL CHANGE OF VIEW.

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/ 5. I THINK

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5. I THINK THAT OUR OBJECT SHOULD BE TO USE WORDS TO WHICH KM AMBASSADOR CAN REFER AS EXCLUDING FURTHER DISCUSSION IF PRESSED BY THE MFA, AND DO NOT EXPOSE HIM OR HIS SUCCESSOR TO RENEWED REPRESENTATIONS, IN THE WAY THE LANGUAGE USED IN 1956 EXPOSED US TO REPRESENTATIONS AS SOON AS DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WERE ESTABLISHED.

6. HAVING MADE THIS GENERAL POINT, I WOULD PREFER TO LEAVE IT TO YOU AND HM AMBASSADOR TO DECIDE HOW IT CAN BEST BE MET.

7. YOUR PARA. 4. NOTED.

L

·

MACLEHOSE

FILES:

HEAD FED

HEAD AKIOD

P5/MR. ROYLE

EIR E. NORRIS

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*

+

-

I

+

!

I

:

·

·

IMMEDIATE

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CYPHER CAT A

19

FM FC0 3016202

DEDIP

SECRET

FOR 3/5/1

1973

TO IMMEDIATE GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO 116 OF 33 JAN./INFO IMMEDIATE

PEK ING.

61

(PERSO..AL FOR COVERLOR)

FALLOVING FROM KORRIS.

YOUR DESPATCH OF 11 JANUARY AND SIR JOHN ADDIS'S DESPATCH OF 18 DECEMBER: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN KONG KONG

1.. THE COURSES OPEN TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE WHEN HE MEETS CHI

P?ENG FE! ARE:

30

(A) TO MAINTAIN OUR REFUSAL TO CONSIDER THE CHINESE PROPOSAL: (B) TO SAY THAT WE HAVE GIVEN VERY CAREFUL CONSIDERATION TO THE CHINESE PROPOSAL, BUT THAT WE DO NOT THINK THE TIE IS RIPE FOR THE CHINESE TO PURSUE IT:

(C)

(D)

TO SAY THAT WE NIGHT BE PREPARED TO CONSIDER THE CHINESE

PROPOSAL ON CONDITION THAT THE CHINESE WOULD BE PREPARED TO DESIGNATE THEIR OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIVE AS A CONSUL

GENERAL:

+

TO SAY THAT WE ARE PREPARED TO EXPLORE THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE CHINESE PROPOSAL IN CONFIDENTIAL BILATERAL DISCUSSIONSE (E) TO ACCEPT THE CHINESE PROPOSAL IN PRINCIPLE AS IT STANDS:

AND

(F)

TO SAY THAT WE NEED FURTHER TIME TO CONSIDER THE CHINESE

P.OPOSAL.

2. R ROYLE HAS AGREED THAT HE SHOULD RECOMMEND COURSE (B) TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, LE HAS ASKED US TO PREPARE THE DRAFT OF A STATEMENT FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO USE IN SPEAKING TO CHI P'ENO FEI. THIS FOLLOWS IN PARAGRAPH 3 BELOW. I SHOULD SE GRATEFUL IF YOU WOULD TELEGRAPH YOUR COMENTS BY 1330Z ON 31 JANJARY AND IF SIR JOHN ADDIS WOULD TELEGRAPH HIS COMMENTS TAKING YOURS

INTO ACCOUNT BY THE SAME TIME ON 1 FEBRUARY.

3. FOLLOWING IS DRAFT.

PEGINS:

" I DISCUSSED

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''I DISCUSSED THIS SUBJECT WITH YOU AND WITH THE PRIME

MINISTER WHEN I VISITED CHINA LAST AUTUIN. I TOLD THE PRIME MI

ON 1 NOVEMBER THAT I WOULD LIKE TO THINK ABOUT THE HATTER AND THAT I WOULD GET IN TOUCH WITH YOU IN DUE COURSE.

"'WE DISAGREE ADOUT THE STATUS OF HONG KONG. THAT IS SOME- THING WHICH IS A FACT ALD WHICH I DO NOT THINK IT WOULD BE HELPFUL TO DISCUSS. BUT, AS I SEE IT, WE HAVE 1:0 1-PORTANT INTERESTS IN

COM.ON. THESE ARE TO PRESERVE THE STABILITY AND PROSPERITY OF HONG KONG AND TO PRESERVE THE RELATIONSHIP WHICH HAS DEVELOPED BETWEEN OUR TWO COUNTRIES, SO FAR AS HONG KONG IS CONCERTED, STABILITY AND POSPERITY DEPEND ON CONFILENCE. CONFIDENCE IS A TENDER PLANT: IT GOV. "PLY SLOWLY, BUT CAN WILT VERY QUICKLY. IF, AS I BELIEVE, KE SHARE AN INTEREST. IN THE STABILITY AND PROSPERITY OF HONG KONG, IT POLLO IS THAT E ALSO SHARE AN 1.TEREST IN THE PRESERVATION OF

CONFIDENCE THERE.

AS FAR AS RELATIONS LEWEEN BRITAIN AND CHINA ARE CONCERNED, THERE CAN BE LO DOUBT THAT THE SITUATION IN HONG KONG IS A FACTOR OF IMPORTANCE. IF, THEREFORE, E SHARE AN INTEREST IN PRESERVING GOOD RELATIONS BETWEEN OUR TWO COUNTRIES, WE ALSO SHARE AN INTEREST IN DOING NOTHING IN, OR OVER, HUNG SONG WHICH COULD DISTURB THE SITUATION THERE.

I WOULD THEREFORE ASK YOU NOT TO PRESS YOUR PROPOSAL.

NE DO KOT THINK THAT THE TIME IS RIPE TO CONSIDER IT. I AM NOT A PROPHET. I CANNOT FORETELL THE FUTURE. BUT IT IS MY JUDGEMENT

THAT IT WILL BE SOME TIME A MATTER OF YEARS BEFORE CIRCUMSTANCES MIGHT WARRANT A CHANGE IN THE ARRANGEMENTS WHICH NOW EXIST FOR YOUR REPRESENTATION IN HONG HONG.'*

4. 1

ENDS.

RECOMMENDING COURSE (B), WE SHALL ALSO RECOMMEND THAT YOU SHOULD BE AUTHORISED TO MAKE THE MOVES IN HONG KONG WHICH ARE OUTLINED IN PARAGRAPHS 20 AND 21 OF YOUR DESPATCH. WE ARE MOST CRATEFUL FOR YOUR OFFER. GIVEN THE A CUNT OF TIME AVAILABLE, WE DOUBT, HOWEVER WHETHER YOU COULD MAKE ANY GESTURE WHICH WOULD REGISTER FIRMLY WITH THE CHINESE IN PEKING BEFORE CHI P'ENG - FEI SETE JUT POR LORDON.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILE 3:

HEAD FED

HEAD HKIOD

FS/MR. ROYLE

SIR E. NORRIS

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20

PRIORITY CYPHER CAT A

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(FED)

लैं

FM FCO 261830Z

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TO PRIORITY GOVERNOR HONG KONG TELNO 105 OF 26 JANUARY. 1973.

FOLLOWING FOR WILFORD FROM NORRIS.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

1. I HAVE SUBMITTED A PAPER TO MR ROYLE WHICH SETS OUT THE SIX OPTIONS YOU DISCUSSED WITH THE DEPARTMENTS CONCERNED AT YOUR MEETING

ON 19 JANUARY.

2. ON THE SUBSTANCE, I HAVE DEALT CHIEFLY WITH THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE SECRETARY OF STATE GIVING CHI PENG-FEI A TEMPORISING REPLY. ON PROCEDUPE, I HAVE SAID THAT WE AIM TO SUBMIT PAPERS TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE BY THE END OF NEXT WEEK. THESE MAY OR MAY NOT

INCLUDE THE DRAFT OF A PAPER FOR HIM TO PUT TO DOP.

3. PLEASE TELL THE GOVERNOR THAT WE SHALL LET HIM SEE THE DRAFT OF

THE BRIEF WE PREPARE FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

DOUGLAS-HOME

FILES

FED

HKLOD

SIR E NORRIS

SECRET

·

SECRET

Sir Eric Norris

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

3/21/

the draft of a minute for you to put to Mr Royle; and

1.

I submit:

(z)

(b)

2.

a draft telegram for you to send to Mr Wilford in Hong Kong-

Both, I hope, are self-explanatory.

R M

Divans

26 January 1973

Far Eastern Department

SECRET

SECRET

Sir Eric Norris

Yorris

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1.

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I submit a draft personal telegram for you to send

to Sir Murray MacLehose. Mr Stuart concurs in its terms.

31/,

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30 January 1973

CC

Mr Stuart

Mr Hervey

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R.M. Evans

RM Evans

Far Eastern Department

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CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

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paper which the Department have

1. I attach a copy of a

prepared on this subject. I also attach copies of the despatches

by Sir John Addis and Sir Murray MacLehose to which the paper

refers and of the records of the conversations which the

Secretary of State had on this subject with Chi P'eng-fei and

Chou En-lai during the course of his visit to China.

2.

I have talked to Mr Evans and Mr Stuart about both

substance and procedure.

On the substance, our view is that

course (b) in the paper is the one which has most to commend it.

The actual terms in which the Secretary of State might speak to

Chi P'eng-fei would of course have to be drafted with great

care. But the great merit of this course, as we see it, is

that it does not carry the risks and penalties which would be

entailed either in a fresh rejection of the Chinese proposal

or in a commitment to explore the proposal.

3.

We have serious reservations about course (f). Chou En-lai

told Mr Denson in February 1971 that the Chinese Government would

like to establish an official representative in Hong Kong. The

proposal was put again to Kr Addis by Chang Wen-chin in March

1972; once again to you at the beginning of June 1972; and

yet again to the Secretary of State at the beginning of November

1972. Although only four months will have elapsed between

the Secretary of State's visit to China and the time when he

meeta Chi P'eng-fel in London, we will have had the proposal

under consideration for very nearly two years.

Another

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/consideration

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consideration is that there is little advantage (and perhaps

some disadvantage) in buying time if we intend to maintain

our refusal to accept the Chinese proposal (or to maintain

this refusal in qualified form), The case for procrastination

only becomes stronger if we are seriously thinking about

entering into confidential discussions with the Chinese, which

we are almost certainly not. Thirdly, there is the factor

that it would be better to give the Chinese an answer before

the Prime Minister visits Peking, as he now hopes to do, in

the autumn. We must do our best to spare him an argument on

the subject.

On procedure, our aim is to submit papers to the Secretary

of State by the end of next week. Unless we do this, the

Department will not have enough time to draft any paper which

may need to be put to DOP. In any case, the Department will

need a certain amount of time in which to clear their draft

briefs on the subject for the Secretary of State with Sir

Murray MacLehose and Sir John Addis.

5. I should welcome an opportunity of talking to you about

this early next week, if possible.

26 January 1973

hi. Naw

Eric N rris

O

Now see subsequeni minnies.

Copy to PUS

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R.E.3%.

1

SECRET

OFFICIAL CHINESE REFRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

Background

1.

During the Secretary of State's visit to Feking, both

the Chinese Foreign Minister and the Chinese Prime Minister

asked him to reconsider his rejection of the Chinese proposal

to establish an official representative in Hong Kong. The

Secretary of State told Chou En-lai on 1 November that he would

like to think about the matter and would get in touch with

Chi Peng-fei in due course. On 29 December, the Fermanent

Under-Secretary told the Chinese Ambassador that the Secretary

of State was giving the matter his personal consideration but

that, because of the problems which the proposal raised for us,

consideration would have to be long and careful. The Chinese

Foreign Minister is to visit London from 22 February to

25 February. He is certain to bring up the subject.

The views of Sir John Addis and Sir Murray MacLebose

2. The views and recommendations of Sir John Addis are set

out in his despatch of 18 December (copy attached). The views

and recommendations of Sir Hurray MacLehose are set out in

his despatch of 11 January (copy also attached). The case

made by each is cogent. Our problem is to decide how to brief

the Secretary of State before his meetings with Chi P'eng-fei

at the end of February. We could brief him to adopt the

course recommended by Sir John Addis; or the course recommended

by Sir Murray MacLehose; or some other course (they do not

between them cover all the courses available).

1

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13.

F

Х

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Courses Available

3. The courses open to the Secretary of State are:

(a) to maintain our refusal to consider the Chinese proposal;

(b)

to say that we have given very careful consideration

to the Chinese proposal, but that we do not think the

time is ripe for the Chinese to pursue it;

(c) to say that we might be prepared to consider the

Chinese proposal on condition that the Chinese would be prepared to designate their official representative

as a Consul General;

(a) to say that we are prepared to explore the implications

(e)

of the Chinese proposal in confidential bilateral

discussions;

to accept the Chinese proposal in principle as it

stands; and

(f) to say that we need further time to consider the Chinese

4.

proposal.

Course (a) is the course favoured by Sir Murray MacLehose.

Course (b) is a variant. Courses (c) and (d) are distilled

from the course generally favoured by Sir John Addis.

5. The principal advantages and drawbacks of the six courses

are as follows:

(i) Course (a). The great advantage of this course is that

it is the course which would best seem to serve the

interests of Hong Kong. It could also have the advantage

of putting an end to a dialogue which is becoming somewhat embarrassing. The great drawback is that it would

undoubtedly entail some penalty in terms of Anglo-Chinese

/relations.

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relations.

We cannot at the moment estimate the likely

Another disadvantage is

extent of any such penalty.

that it might mean forfeiting a chance to reach an

accommodation with the Chinese at a time when the climate

of Anglo-Chinese relations is good;

(ii) Course (b). This course is a variant of course (a).

Its advantage is that it would be less of a rebuff to the

Its disadvantage is that it would probably

Chinese.

encourage the Chinese to return to the charge within a

matter of a few years (or even less);

(iii)Course (c). The advantage of this course is that it

would entail putting the ball back into the Chinese court.

But this advantage could be very short-lived: Chi P'eng-

fei might well say that there could be no question of

China appointing a Consul General in territory which

she regards as belonging to her. He would almost

certainly go on to renew pressure for consideration of

the Chinese proposal;

(iv) Course (d). The great advantage of this course is that

it is the course which would best serve bilateral Anglo-

Chinese relations. But it has a hidden trap. If our

confidential discussions with the Chinese were to show

that no satisfactory agreement could be reached, we

should face the choice between breaking off the talks

and accepting an agreement which we did not like.

first alternative would be difficult to adopt and could

do more damage to Anglo-Chinese relations than either

course (a) or course (b);

The

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/(v)

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(v) Course (e). There is really no advantage in this

course. Its manifold disadvantages are set out with

great cogency in Sir Murray MacLehose's despatch;

(vi) Course (f). The advantage of this course is that it

would buy time. But the amount of time bought would

not be very great. It would be very difficult for the

Prime Minister to go on playing for time if, as now seems

probable, he were to visit China in the autumn.

6. Sir Murray MacLehose has suggested a number of limited,

but significant, concessions in the attitude of the Hong Kong

Government to the unofficial Chinese Communist establishment

in the Colony. These concessions might be combined with

course (a) or course (b) (and even with course (c) or course

(d), though with much less political advantage). The case

for asking Sir Murray MacLehose to make these concessions to

offset the effects of the adoption of course (a) or course

(b) on Anglo-Chinese relations is a strong one. But he would

need to act quickly if any impact were to be made before

Chi P'eng-fei visits London.

Far Eastern Department

26 January 1973

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4

SECRET

Mr Evané

Sir Eric Norris

Copy No

3/31 0

TOK SECRET

Mi Davi Ender and X.

OFFICIAL CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

1. This issue was discussed at a meeting on 19 January at which

Mr Wilford took the chair and at which FED and HKIOD were

2.

represented.

setting out the options open to us, for eventual discussion at

an office meeting. Such a meeting might be taken by the Secretary

of State. Mr Royle, the Permanent Under-Secretary, Sir Eric Norris

and the Heads of FED and HKIOD might also be asked to be present.

In the light of the conclusions reached at any office meeting,

a paper might have to be prepared for consideration by Ministers in DOP. If a paper were to be taken in DOP, this would have to

be in the week beginning 12 February, given Mr Chi's arrival here on 22 February. A paper would have to be ready for circulation

to DOP by 9 February.

Mr Wilford asked the Department to prepare a paper,

3. I attach the first draft of a paper which you may wish to

discuss with Sir Eric Norris before arrangements are made for an

I Office meeting. Mr Stuart has seen the draft and concurs.

should add that Mr Wilford has asked that the paper should not at

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this stage include recommendations but limit itself to setting

out the courses of action open to us. Nevertheless it was

agreed at his meeting that, of the options described in paragraph 5

of the paper, (a) offered the fewest disadvantages and (f) the

most. In other words the options are presented in order of

preference although this is not specifically stated. From our

point of view (and that of HKIOD) option (a), with (b) as a poor

fall-back, seems the only viable choice.

23 January 1973

R BR Harvey

Far Eastern Department

Cc:

Mr Stuart

Mr Clark

or

Mr Wilford or

1.

I have drastically shortened the draft paper and re-

arranged the options.

2. On procedure, I suggest that we should ask the Private

Secretary whether the Secretary of State would be prepared to

take a meeting on Wednesday or Thursday of next week. A

meeting then would allow the Department time to draft a brief

beforehand and (if necessary) a paper for submission to DOP

by 9 February afterwards. You will, I imagine, wish to have

/a meeting

TOEX SECRET

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a meeting with Mr Stuart and myself before any meeting under

the Chairmanship of a Minister is arranged. Tomorrow might

be a convenient day.

3.

There is one further point. I understand from Mr Stuart

that Mr Wilford has asked to get a telegram regarding our

preliminary views, on both substance and procedure, before he

leaves Hong Kong on 27 January. This reinforces the case for

your holding a meeting tomorrow.

25 January 1973

PS

R.M. Evans

R M Evans

Far Eastern Department

I attach copies of the records of the Secretary of State's conversations on this subject with Chi P'eng-fei and Chou En lại.

W.

Si Levic Nomis swominied the pope. intimal tomis M. Royle (under mincie of his own).

R.EE.

29/1

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3.

Mr Elliott

DAG

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

Kat

سلام

3/2/1

The Permanent Under-Secretary will wish to see a copy of

Sir John Addis's despatch of 18 December. We are awaiting

Sir Murray MacLehose's despatch of comment. As soon as

this is received we shall be submitting on the whole subject.

16 January 1973

HL Davies

Far Eastern Department

FEA

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Copy retained.

M:

IMEDIATE.

CYPHER/CAT A

C

FM HONG KONG 121130Z

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1973

FEH

TO IMMEDIATE FCO TELNO 58 OF 12 JANUARY INFO IMMEDIATE PEKING.

(104) FEU 3/301/77

MY TELEGRAM 1252 (NOT TO PEKING) CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG

KONG.

FOR WILFORD.

MY CONCLUSIONS WERE SENT BY DESPATCH YESTERDAY, BUT SINCE THIS MISSES YOUR DEADLINE OF 10 JANUARY IT MIGHT BE CONVENIENT FOR YOU TO HAVE AN OUTLINE OF MY VIEWS BY TELEGRAM.

2. WE HAVE CONSIDERED THE FRIENDLY AND HELPFUL THINGS SAID IN FEKING, BUT IN SPITE OF THEM I MYSELF, AS WELL AS THE UNOFFICIALS, REMAIN CONVINCED THAT ACCEPTANCE OF AN OFFICIAL CHINESE

REPRESENTATIVE WOULD BE BOUND TO GIVE RISE TO GREAT DIFFICULTIES

BECAUSE -

A) HERE IT WOULD NOT BE INTERPRETED AS A ROUTINE, FAR LESS A REASSURING, DIPLOMATIC MOVE, BUT AS THE PENULIMATE ACT IN THE REASSERTION OF CHINESE CONTROL. IT WOULD THUS RELEASE NEW PRESSURES AND UNCERTAINTIES, NOT LEAST AMONG GOVERNMENT SERVANTS, AND PROVIDE NEW AND TEMPTING LEVERAGE FOR LOCAL COMMUNISTS AND FELLOW TRAVELLERS. BECAUSE OF OUR NEED TO RETAIN CONTROL, THIS SITUATION WOULD BE MORE LIKELY TO PRODUCE A CONFRONTATION PREMATURELY THAN TO BUY TIME AND GOOD RELATIONS.

L

B) THE PRESTIGE AND DEFERENCE THAT WOULD ATTACH TO THE REPRESENTATIVE OF SUCH A POWERFUL NEIGHBOUR AND CLAIMANT TO THE TERRITORY, AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH HIS GOOD OFFICES WOULD BE SOLICITED, WOULD THROW OUT THE PRESENT BALANCE OF POWER IN THE COLONY SOONER OR LATER IT WOULD ALSO FORCE HIM INTO EITHER INTERVENING OR DISAPPOINTING HIS SUPPORTERS. IN THE PRESENT MOOD IN PEKING HE MIGHT BE PREPARED TO RISK THE LATTER, BUT NOT IF PERSONALITIES OR POLICIES CHANGED IN PEKING, OR IF IN SOME WAY THE SITUATION GOT OUT OF HAND HERE.

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/C) SUCH

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C) SUCH AN INCREASED ELEMENT OF UNCERTAINTY WOULD CAUSE REVIEW OF ALL CURRENT INVESTMENT, INCIDENTALLY INCLUDING THE MASS TRANSIT RAILWAY.

3. WE WOULD OF COURSE DO OUR UTMOST TO COUNTER ALL THESE REPERCUSSIONS AND WITH LUCK WE MIGHT SUCCEED FOR A BIT, BUT IT WOULD BE AN INTENSELY DIFFICULT SITUATION THAT MIGHT SOONER OR LATER

BECOME UNTENABLE.

4. H.M. AMBASSADOR'S PROPOSAL TO CIRCUMSCRIBE THE ACTIVITIES OF

A REPRESENTATIVE AND DEFINE THEM BY NEGOTIATION SEEMS TO ME A GOOD FALL-BACK POSTION, BUT ONLY AS THAT.

A) SUCH A NEGOTIATION WOULD BE LONG AND DIFFICULT AND WOULD RAISE, IN AN ACUTE FORM, THE QUESTION OF WHAT THE CPG CONSIDERED THEIR STANDING SHOULD BE IN A TERRITORY IN WHICH THEY CLAIM 98 PER CENT OF THE POPULATION AS THEIR COMPATRIOTS, AND OVER WHICH THEY CANNOT RECOGNISE OUR SOVEREIGNTY. I SHOULD BE SURPRISED IF OUR RELATIONS EMERGED FROM SUCH A NEGOTIATION IN ANY WAY IMPROVED.

B) EVEN IF OBTAINED, SUCH AN AGREEMENT WOULD BE VIRTUALLY UNENFORCEABLE, WE COULD DO LITTLE OR NOTHING TO CONTROL A

AT LEAST WITHOUT REPRESENTATIVE ONCE HERE, FAR LESS EXPELL HIM RISKING THE CONFRONTATION WE HAD ACCEPTED HIM TO AVOID.

5. DIFFICULT THOUGH THE SITUATION DESCRIBED IN PARAGRAPHS 1 AND 3 MIGHT BE, WE WOULD HAVE TO ACCEPT IT IF FACED WITH

THE ALTERNATIVE OF SOMETHING WORSE, BUT NOTHING OF THE SORT HAS YET OCCURRED. THE CHINESE HAVE MADE SOME THREATS (FOR THEM QUITE MILD), BUT IT REMAINS TO BE SEEN WHETHER AND TO WHAT EXTENT THEY ARE PREPARED TO CARRY THEM OUT INN RESPECT OF EITHER HONG KONG OR

THE U.K.

6. AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF CHINA'S PRESENT GENERAL EXTERNAL FOLICY AND ALSO THE STEADILY IMPROVING, AND SATISFACTORILY PRACTICAL, RELATIONS WITH CPG OFFICIALS IN HONG KONG, IT WOULD BE IMPOSSIBLE FOR ME TO PERSUADE THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL THAT GREATER DANGERS THAN THOSE THEY SEE IN ACCEPTANCE WOULD BE IMMINENT IF WE CONTINUED TO REFUSE. THEY WOULD REPLY THAT WE SHOULD WAIT AND SEE.

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AVEN IF THE CHINESE THREATS AND HM AMBASSADOR'S ANALYSIS CAN BE ACCEPTED IN THEIR ENTIRETY, ONE CAN EXPECT THAT IN PRESENT CIRCUMSTANCES THE PRESSURE WOULD BE APPLIED SLOWLY AND PROBABLY RELUCTANTLY, AND THAT THERE WOULD BE PLENTY OF TIME FOR US TO RECONSIDER OUR POSITION BEFORE ANYTHING DISASTROUS OCCURRED.

8. WHEREAS TO ACCEPT A REPRESENTATIVE WOULD BE AN IRREVOCABLE ACT, OUR CURRENT REFUSAL COULD BE QUICKLY REVERSEDIF IT WERE PROVED UNTENABLE.

9. I MIGHT SEE THIS PROBLEM DIFFERENTLY IF I COULD BRING MYSELF TO BELIEVE THAT BY THIS CONCESSION WE COULD IN SOME WAY ESCAPE FROM THE LEGACY OF THE PAST AND STEP OUT IN A NEW RELATIONSHIP WITH CHINA. BUT THERE IS NO ASSURANCE THAT THIS WOULD BE THE LAST DEMAND, OR THAT THE LEGACY WOULD NOT REMAIN AT LEAST AS LONG AS WE HOLD HONG KONG. MOREOVER, THOUGH TEMPORARILY THIS CONCESSION MIGHT BUY A SHORT HONEYMOON FOR THE UK, FOR THE REASONS IN PARA 1 IT CARRIES WITH IT THE EVENTUAL LIKELIHOOD OF

WORSE AND NOT BETTER RELATIONS.

10. SINCE WE ARE ON SUCH UNCERTAIN GROUND I RECOMMEND THAT WE STAY PUT, AND MAINTAIN OUR COURTEOUS REFUSAL. BUT BECAUSE IT IS QUITE POSSIBLE THAT THE CHINESE REALLY MEAN WHAT THEY HAVE SAID, AND THAT UNACCEPTABLE REPERCUSSIONS MIGHT EVENTUATE, WE SHOULD KEEP A VERY SHARP LOOK OUT FOR SIGNS OF MOVEMENT OR CHANGE, I THINK WE COULD COUNT ON DOING THIS ON THE HONG KONG INTELLIGENCE NET.

11. IF EVENTS PROVE OUR REFUSAL TO BE UNTENABLE WE SHOULD ADOPT HM AMBASSADOR'S PLAN OF NEGOTIATING THE BEST TERMS WE CAN FOR A

REPRESENTATIVE.

12. HOWEVER, TO KEEP THE TERMPERATURE DOWN AND THUS MAKE REPRISALS LESS LIKELY I WILL IN ANY CASE:

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A) RELEASE THE REMAINING CONFRONTATION PRISONERS BY THE SUMMER (WE HAVE HAD A GOOD REACTION FROM THE BOARD OF REVIEW).

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/B) STEADILY

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B) STEADILY ADVANCE SOCIAL AND SEMI-OFFICIAL CONTACT WITH THE PRESENT REPRESENTATIVE TO A POINT FAIRLY SIMILAR TO THAT REQUESTED BY THE CPG EXCEPT, AND THIS IS A VERY BIG EXCEPTION, THAT HE WOULD REMAIN UNRECOGNISED. NEVERTHELESS HIS STANDING AND PRESTIGE WOULD BE ADVANCED AND PEKING WOULD NOTE THIS MOVEMENT.

13. I HAVE STARTED THE PROCESS OF 12(B) DURING THE LAST 5 MONTHS, AND IN ANY CASE PROPOSE CONTINUING IT AS A SENSIBLE PIECE OF REINSURANCE.

14. WHILE THE FOREGOING IS AN INDICATION OF MY VIEWS IN ADVANCE OF THE DESPATCH I TRUST THAT ACTION WILL BE TAKEN ON THE DESPATCH RATHER THAN THIS TELEGRAM.

MACLEHOSE

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P.S./FUS

SIR E NORNIS

SIR D WATSON

MR WILFORD

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

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FM HONG KONG 150280Z

CONFIDENTIAL

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TOP COPY

EH 3301

TO ROUTINE FCO TELNO 52 OF 15 JANUARY, 1973.

MY DESPATCH OF 11 JANUARY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG.

PARA 27 PENULTIMATE SENTENCE: FOR 25 PLEASE SUBSTITUTE 26.

MACLEHOSE

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香港總督府

GOVERNMENT HOUSE

HONG KONG

{

9873/300/1

CHINESE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION IN HONG KONG

Summary

1.

It would be unsafe to assume that the C P G will

make the development of Anglo-Chinese commercial relations dependent on our accession to their request for official representation in Hong Kong: the precedents point the other way (paragraphs 3-5).

2.

The Chinese justification for their proposal contained a number of inaccuracies; their specific threats related to matters of little importance to Hong Kong. There is still no evidence that they are aiming for a break on this issue (paragraphs 6-9).

3.

This is unlikely to be the last Chinese demand upon us (paragraph 10).

4.

The serious psychological and practical (e.g. for the mass transit scheme) implications of acceding to this Chinese request. Refusal would be reversible: acceptance would not (paragraphs 11-15).

5.

We should maintain our refusal until we are convinced

that the disadvantages of doing so would outweigh the advantages. We should then negotiate as suggested by Sir J. Addis, recognising that these negotiations will be long and difficult (paragraphs 16-19).

6.

There are various ways in which the present unofficial CPG Representation can be given more prestige and brought into closer contact with the Hong Kong Government and thus move towards the Chinese position. The Governor has already made

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some moves in the direction which have been well received (paragraphs 20-22).

7.

We have made, and hope to continue with, steady progress in the release of confrontation prisoners. Peking will notice a steady improvement on this front (paragraph 23).

8.

Our relations with the local C P G hierarchy on

practical matters have never been better: the recent exchange on Kuomintang letter bombs was well received. Chinese delegations have recently visited us on water, building and

telecommunications, and there have been reciprocal visits to Canton (paragraph 24).

9.

The Executive Council are profoundly convinced of

the dangers inherent in the Chinese proposal and will only agree that it is right to accept when it is manifestly true that the dangers of refusal outweigh the dangers of acceptance (paragraph 25).

10.

The best course of action is to maintain the status

quo as long as possible. Changes in the world situation and in China itself might improve the prospects for settlement. The arrival of an official Chinese Representative would be

seen as the penultimate stage before handing over the Colony to China and might precipitate confrontation (paragraphs 26-27).

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香港總督府

HONG KONG DESPATCH 14

Sir,

GOVERNMENT HOUSE

HONG KONG

11th January 1973

I have read H.M. Ambassador's despatch

3/56 of 18th December 1972 about Chinese official representation in Hong Kong in the light of your visit to Peking, and I have discussed further with my advisers and senior Unofficials. My views on this problem were set out in my despatch of 5th May of last year and my telegram No. 31 to Peking of 26th April. The question is to what extent has the plan of action proposed in that despatch and then accepted by the Office been invalidated by what was said to you and Sir Denis Greenhill in Peking.

2.

To make sure that the situation on the ground here is understood, I have annexed a description of the CPG organs in Hong Kong, and of how they are co- ordinated and directed under the leadership of Mr. Leung Wai-lam, and what the present method is of dealing with official business about Hong Kong.

3.

Are Sino/British commercial and political relations at stake?

I do not think we should start from an assumption that the CPG have already decided that their whole political and commercial relationship with Great Britain and, a fortiori Hong Kong, depends upon major political adjustments in Hong Kong being made now, and strictly in accordance with the proposals they have made. The Chinese have proved themselves singularly hard-headed in their dealings with Vestern capitalist States. I think, therefore, that we should be chary of an assumption that if they wish to be in the sort of relationship with HMG that will enable them to assist in maintaining a firm front to the Russians in Europe, or if they want foreign exchange from Hong Kong to buy British Tridents or American Boeings, or to give them leverage in Africa or the Middle East, they are going suddenly to throw all this out of the window for the sake of Mr. Leung Wai-lam being called the Official Representative instead of the head of the N.C.N.A. They might of course do this (I would be the last to deny it), but it seems to me to be still too questionable a hypothesis to be worth accepting serious disadvantages to meet at this stage. At the worst, even if they are going to insist, they are likely to apply the pressure by slow degrees, so as not to interfere with their overall policy.

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

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SIR ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME, KT, MP

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4.

2.

We are naturally very anxious to maximise our exports to China, and anything that is likely to interfere with this should rightly be carefully scrutinised. But although in the past 15 or 20 years there are plenty of instances of the Chinese talking to foreign capitalist exporters as if political considerations (such as our consulate in Taiwan or confrontation prisoners) would affect purchasing policy, I do not believe that there are any significant instances of it actually happening. I recently checked this impression with Sir John Keswick. The classic examples of Chinese capacity for differentiating between economic policy and political relations are Japan and West Germany. more recent example is France which commercially got virtually nothing out of her dramatic switch of recognition. If therefore the Chinese do or do not decide to buy VC 10s, I suggest price, delivery and perhaps non-super-power origin, not our acceptance of a Chinese representative in Hong Kong are likely to be the dominant factors.

The exchanges in Peking

A

5.

We must also face the fact that in putting their case to you in Peking the Chinese leaders were either disingenuous or at least underbriefed. For example, it was untrue to say that CPG had no control over the Leftists who created the troubles of 1967 in Hong Kong, and that the presence of a Chinese official representative would have prevented them. The fact is that in 1967, the Communist Party in China was in turmoil, and without instructions, the local Party cadres headed by Leung Wai-lam, let the disturbances take their course until instructed to stop them, which they were able to do. The absence of an official representative was quite irrelevant to the situation. Mr. Leung has not even been re-called or moved elsewhere: still less beźng disowned or demoted.

6.

It was also untrue to suggest that with such a large co-ordinating organisation already in existence in the Colony (as described in the Annex), there was a practical need for a formal co-ordinator; just as it was to claim that the CPG's objective was merely to facilitate visas and communications and other practical matters: these are being adequately dealt with at present; and, given the will, need no new machinery to deal even with a large increase over the present traffic.

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7.

With this element of evident inaccuracy

in what Chi and Chou said on this subject, I think it would be prudent not to accept too literally the assurances that they gave at the same time.

The Chinese made some threats.

In the

This

8. first place to students of Chinese minatory practice an extensive field of study what was said was exceptionally mild and far removed from what is normally said before action is imminent. Secondly insofar as the threats were against Hong Kong they related to things of little profit to Hong Kong, but of convenience to the Chinese, notably improved air and rail communications. I think H.M. Ambassador is under a misapprehension that Hong Kong has a strong interest in such developments as through trains and direct air links with Canton. is not so. Our interest is only to respond to any proposals for such developments that the CPG make, and to let them know that we stand ready to do so. BOAC may be anxious to secure rights into China via Hong Kong, but these would bring in little immediate profit. And, despite what Chang Wen-chiu said to Sir Denis Greenhill, the talks on air services are as likely to fail for other reasons (e.g. differing views on sovereignty over Hong Kong) as over the narrow issue of official representation.

To sum up what passed in Peking

9.

Before the visit one could plausibly claim that the Chinese demand was being made against any of the following three scenarios: (a) for the record; (b) because they wanted to get it but not at the expense of a break; (c) because they wanted to get it, if necessary at the expense of a break.

As a result of your visit I think we can downgrade the plausibility of scenario (a), but it did not establish the validity of scenario (c) or even that it is more probable than scenario (b). In coming to this view I am strongly influenced firstly by the general considerations in paragraphs 3 and 4 but secondly, and perhaps more, by the apparent absence of any preparation of the local hierarchy for a tougher attitude, and of the absence for some time of any signs even of special interest in the proposal on the latter's part.

We have had intelligence from several sources suggesting that in private Chinese cadres are much less certain of the

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need for or desirability of representation than Chinese Ministers and officials have appeared to be when discussing the matter on the record with British visitors.

Can we escape from the Past?

10.

I have much sympathy with the point of view that we should take any chance that offers of escaping from the legacy of the past and stepping out in a new relationship with China. But unfortunately we cannot escape from that legacy so long as we hold the Colony at all. Moreover, I think we should be wary of assuming that somehow this demand is a last demand that would free us from this legacy. This has an all too familiar ring. The remaining things between us and friendship with China used to be our vote in the U.N. first on substance then on procedure, and our consulate in Taiwan; then at the last minute it was our doctrine on the undetermined status of Taiwan; now it is representative in Hong Kong. I do not think there is any assurance that his precedence, say, or our reaction to any demand he made - such for instance as communist representation in the Legislative and Executive Councils would not equally be presented as the only thing that stood between the U.K. and smiles, confidences and contracts.

The consequences of accepting a Representative

11.

On the other side of the coin it would be equally foolish to assert that catastrophe would follow the arrival of a C.P.G. representative in Hong Kong as the night follows day. Probably for a little - the first months or year if not years all would continue to be sweetness and light. Moreover, though the arrival of the representative would release the new and divisive pressures and uncertainties and intrigues in the population and business world that we foresee, we would also be exerting ourselves to keep things on an even keel. Barring bad luck, or a change in C.P.G. leadership or policy, and I am afraid one or the other is likely enough, we might succeed for a bit. But in bowing to this Chinese demand that we have successfully resisted for so long, it is the overwhelming advice of those here who should know, that we would seriously shake the confidence of the population and business world and

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start ourselves on a very slippery slope. If we then attempted to claw our way back, as we might be forced to do, it would be difficult not to precipitate just that confrontation to avoid which we had accepted a

Representative.

In these circumstances the confrontation would be with the official representative of China, and the standing of the CPG would be much more directly involved than in similar confrontations in the past.

12.

To give an example of a practical implication; with such an additional element of uncertainty the Executive Council would certainly wish to reconsider the proposal for a mass transit system, and foreign financiers would similarly wish to re- examine the terms they were offering. I would of course urge that in such circumstances to hold back would be to court complete loss of confidence, and I think my view would prevail. But the same sort of re-

examination would be precipitated right across the whole field of private investment.

Chinese demands and their implications

13.

Against the background of these rather

negative points, my analysis is:

(a) The CPG would like to have an official

representative in Hong Kong for a variety of reasons. One probability is that they feel the lack of one inconsistent with their new international status. Another one is probably the increased prestige and leverage it would give them in political and cultural work amongst the population of the Colony which they may feel is steadily drifting further from Maoist principles ("....explain the policies of the Chinese Government to the Chinese people in Hong Kong

...). It would also carry with it an option on more direct political intervention with the Hong Kong Government. Their over-all objective probably is to combine the maximum economic advantage from the status quo with the minimum limitation on their political and representational activities in the Colony. No doubt in their present mood they realise that the latter would have to be pursued with

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discretion if they were to enjoy the former. But the role envisaged, while including practical day-to-day affairs, is clearly ly both political and interventionist (".. to help the authorities in Hong Kong to administer Hong Kong well so that there would be no trouble to relations between China and Britain ...."). Such an over- all role and objective are completely understandable. But while Chi and Chou were at pains to assure that the role would not be abused, it is not at all the conventional role of a normal foreign representative, and their assurances should be viewed with circumspection.

(b) The CPG have said they are not in a hurry,

but that there will be trouble though not serious trouble, if we refuse, and that in particular air and rail communications between Hong Kong and China are regarded as related issues. They have said that it is an issue to which they attach importance and that if we do not respond the responsibility for the consequences will be ours. I am nevertheless still doubtful about what they are really prepared to do about it.

The

(c) We see in such an appointment the seeds of

conflict and confrontation. There are three basic problems. The first is the jolt to the public confidence that accession to these Chinese demands would produce and the forces that would thus be set in motion. second is that a public movement could get out of hand and force the representative into a situation contrary to that intended by Peking. The third is that sooner or later the CPG would be likely to take a completely different view to us of what activities were appropriate for their Representative. This difference would stem from the fact that they cannot admit that the territory is not Chinese or that 99% of the population are not Chinese subjects, and that the ir eventual aim is its reincorporation in China.

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These prospects are too alarming to be worth accepting unless we are clearly confronted with something worse.

(d) We have to decide our course against the

political background of wishing to improve relations with the CPG.

14.

It is as bewildering as any other Chinese puzzle. Generally speaking, I think that the trouble that the appointment might be expected to create in Hong Kong sooner or later is more certain at this stage, than the disadvantages of refusal. The latter may be as great as H.M. Ambassador suggests, but at this stage there is wide room for doubt as to whether the advantages of acceptance or the penalties of refusal are as inevitable or as great as stated.

15.

A further and perhaps overriding consideration is that while we could, at any time, and very quickly, reverse our refusal, acceptance would be irrevocable. It would be an illusion to believe that we could expel or significantly restrict a Chinese representative once appointed.

Proposals for response in Peking and London

16.

Since we are on such uncertain ground the balance of advantage seems to me to lie in favour of staying put, and maintaining our present line of courteous refusal without changing our reasons for doing SO. But we should do this warily, and with out ear close to the ground to hear any signs of impending trouble.

17.

If we do this, and do this consistently without giving the Chinese any ground for hope that we are about to reconsider, one of two things will eventually happen; the Chinese will subside into nagging, or they

While I will proceed by slow degrees to retaliation. doubt if what they say to us will be much guide as to whether the light is green, amber or red, I think we can assume both that if they do something it will be done gradually, and that in any case we will have good intelligence of it. If and when we get a red signal, we can decide quickly whether the balance of disadvantage lies in giving in or facing the music. A prerequisite for such a plan of action is of course good nerves and a refusal to be outfaced.

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18.

If at some point we decided that refusal was becoming untenable I think we should then attempt to negotiate along the lines proposed by H.M. Ambassador in paragraphs 11-13 of his despatch. However we should recognise that this would be something of an exercise for the record; that once the negotiations were started it would be very hard to terminate them; that once a representative was sur place there really would be very little we could do to restrict him; and that there would be nothing at all we could do if through a change in leadership or a change in over-all policy the CPG was no longer as well disposed as it is now.

reasons that H.M. Ambassador's proposal does not seem to me to offer sufficient safeguards to be a satisfactory alternative to the more cautious plan of action I have proposed

19.

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Moreover I think that the sort of negotiation he has in mind would raise in many different ways the question of what the Chinese consider the extent of their legitimate interests in Hong Kong to be, and, in particular, would bring into the open the whole issue of sovereignty, on which so far we have agreed politely to differ. In consequence they would be long and difficult and would tend to focus attention on Hong Kong as a key issue in Anglo-Chinese relations, whereas our object should be to throw it into the background.

And at the end of the road we would have an agreement whose value would always be doubtful owing to differences of interpretation, and the difficulty of enforcement if policies or personalities changed.

Proposals for response in Hong Kong

20.

However, I am reluctant to leave things entirely on this negative basis. I think we could do something to show, even if we cannot say, that we accept that some adjustment to the CPG's position in Hong Kong is desirable. We could do this by slowly and unilaterally, but without anything said of the principle involved, advancing the degree of official contact with the present representative. Over the last five months I have myself already taken the first steps in this direction. Hitherto no Governor has personally had any overt or direct contact with the hierarchy of the CPG here. This position seemed to me unhealthily rigid, and I have slowly accepted and made advances up to a point at which I have twice now had short conversations with Leung Wai-lam and photographs have appeared in the press of me talking to and shaking

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hands with him. I have had to move very cautiously in this as the confidence of the population and the establishment in me was very much at stake. However, the heavens have not fallen, while the CPG for their part, have noted these developments with approval.

21

I could continue this process and now tell him that if he would like to talk, my door is always open. If he responds we could move on to exchanging and accepting National Day invitations. At that point we would be very near the position that the CPG has asked for with some important exceptions. The representative's position would be unacknowledged (and thus could be dropped at any time), and because it was unacknowledged it would avoid posing the virtually impossible question to answer of to what extent we accepted the representative's standing vis-a-vis a population that he claims to be 99% Chinese subjects, and a territory over which he does not recognise our sovereignty. It would also avoid the same jolt to confidence that would be caused by official recognition of a representative. Nevertheless it would accord him a greatly increased prestige and influence. I could move to this position in the course of the next year.

22. like as far as the Peking talks have suggested, nor wuld it allow us the positive answer to Chou En-lai's request that I realise H.M. Ambassador would understandably like to give. But the essence of our position would have to be to continue to sign "No" with our diplomatic right hand while gently signalling a qualified "Yes" with our gubernatorial left. But I think it would be a tactic that the Chinese would understand and might even to some extent respect. At the very least it would take some heat out

assuming that there really is much heat in it and thus make reprisals less likely I would of course ensure that this trend, of which the CPG have already taken note, was fully discernible to them before Chi's visit to London, and was well developed before the Prime Minister's visit to Peking next autumn.

I

I realise this would not go anything

of the issue

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hope it will be possible to agree to this cautious plan of action.

23.

I should perhaps add at this point that I am hopeful that it will have been possible to release the remaining 4 confrontation prisoners by this summer. As I indicated to Mr. Wilford we would do, we have taken the

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temperature of the Board of Review, and it is distinctly encouraging. So on this front Peking will also note

a steady improvement and this may help a little over our continuing refusal of an official representative, in that at least it will make them that much more reluctant to resort to reprisals.

Excellence of present relations in Hong Kong

24.

I should also make the point that in our practical contacts with the local hierarchy relations have never been better. We were recently thanked effusively by N.C.N.A. for the co-operation we volunteered over the discovery of Kuomintang letter bombs in Hong Kong intended for China. We have just concluded a new agreement for an expanded supply of water, and this followed a most interesting week's tour by our engineers of the Chinese water supply scheme in order to assess its capability for expansion. The head Chinese engineer concerned has just accepted a reverse invitation to inspect Hong Kong's water system. Problems over an accumulation of Christmas mail for China have been satisfactorily settled. Chinese delegations have visited Hong Kong to examine building methods, and telecommunications and have done so in the most matter of fact and from our point of view satisfactory way. A similar Hong Kong delegation to Canton about telecommunications was equally satisfactory. Special VIP flights between Hong Kong and China are becoming routine. The more important items on this list succeeded the Secretary of State's refusal of the Chinese request for representation in Peking for what that is worth - just as the increased orders for Tridents and Concordes succeeded Mr. Royles.

Attitude of Executive Council

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25.

The above picture is very relevant to the attitude of the Executive Council here. They are profoundly convinced of the dangers and repercussions that would have to be accepted in acceding to the Chinese request for an official representative. They see these dangers so clearly that they would in no circumstances agree that it was right to accept them, unless it was evident to them that a refusal would result in other and even greater dangers. While I could point to them that it was the view of HMG that such dangers would in fact eventually result, they would reply that it would be prudent

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to wait and see if this assessment was correct, and would point meanwhile to the relaxed and friendly atmosphere that is now so evident in Hong Kong and which manifests itself in the sort of practical ways I have described above. These men are realists, and faced with an evident threat or with intelligence which they accepted was sound that it was about to materialise, they would be willing to change their position. But certainly not in the present circumstances on the basis only of what was said in Peking. It is HMG's right to decide a matter of this sort without their agreement, but they would be profoundly shocked and indeed angered by

it. Some of them might wrongly suspect that Hong Kong's interests had been sold out for some British commercial or other interest in China. It would be a most unpleasant situation.

Long term strategy

26.

Finally I do not agree with H.M. Ambassador's thesis that we should aim at a steady evolution of the CPG's position in Hong Kong over the next 25 years up to the expiry of the lease, and that the presence of an official representative would help this process. I suggest that we should rather aim to maintain the status quo for as long as possible and until we can see what post-Mao/Chou China is going to be like. The passage of time could make a lot of difference to the problems of a settlement. There might be a regime prepared to accord Hong Kong some special status that would safeguard some of our interests. Taiwan might have provided a precedent for such an arrangement. Standards of living in China might have risen and the oddities and severities of administration might have softened to a point at which a future for the inhabitants of Hong Kong even under direct Chinese rule might not unduly disturb them or us, and thus cease to carry with it a prospect of hundreds of thousands of more or less British Chinese refugees looking for a home outside China.

27.

Because the population here would be likely to see the arrival of an Official Chinese Representative as the penultimate stage before rendition, and because this presence might precipitate a confrontation from which the CPG could not retreat, I think our object should be to try to postpone his arrival until a time at which we are

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12.

prepared to move rapidly forward to a negotiated

settlement. Of course if he is forced on us within the next few years, our policy should be to try and hold the line until there was time for the sort of things dexcribed in para. 26 to happen. But this would be difficult to do.

28.

I am sending a copy of this despatch

to H.M. Ambassador, Peking.

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your most obedient, humble servant,

My

GOVERNOR

New Lehen

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ANNEX TO HONG KONG DESPATCH NO. 14

Organs of the Chinese People's

Government in Hong Kong

There is an extremely large network of Communist

interests in Hong Kong, official and commercial, over all of which there exists the usual communist system of dual control, overt and Party.

2.

On the official side, the major units are:

NCNA (i.e. the Hong Kong Branch of the New

China News Agency)

Bank of China

China Resources Ltd

China Travel Service.

These include

To this must be added a variety of minor units, plus a host of commercial and other organisations. newspapers (with a readership of over a ‡ million), cinemas, film companies, shipping companies, sales outlets, both wholesale and retail, banks and import/export agencies. There are also considerable property interests.

3.

With the exception of NCNA the official units largely confine themselves to their overt function of promoting particular aspects of the CP G's Financial or commercial interests in Hong Kong. In carrying out their tasks they may, as is the case with the Bank of China, have an extremely

important role in China's external relations. Their representational function except in relation to their particular job is however minor.

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2.

4.

NCNA acts as the senior organisation, with

its staff playing a co-ordinating role over the activities of others. Its director, Leung Wai-lam, who has never had anything to do with journalism (he was formerly Director of Education of Kwangtung province), is the senior C P G official in Hong Kong and, in a representative role, it is he who for instance hosts the most prestigious National Day reception.

5.

On the Party side, where real control lies, there is a series of functional committees covering banking, trade, shipping, propaganda etc., which report to a senior Party Committee, chaired by Leung Wai-lam, which has overall responsibility for Hong Kong and Macau. Although in recent months there has been a discernible trend towards direct control by Peking, this Committee in turn reports to the Kwangtung Provincial Party Committee and thence to Peking, where Hong Kong affairs are subordinated to the West European department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This structure of party committees is responsible for formulating and relaying policy to the other official bodies in Hong Kong, the more important of which are represented on the main Hong Kong and Macau Committee.

6.

Some idea of the extent of this co-ordinating role exercised by Leung Wai-lam is given by the size of his staff. This alone amounts to about 200, almost all of whom are specially sent from China. He thus has under him an organisation larger than most British Embassies and is in contact with all activities in Hong Kong,

7.

Links with the Hong Kong Government are at two levels. On the political side the normal channel is between the

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3.

Assistant Political Adviser in the Colonial Secretariat and N CNA staff who belong to a Party Committee specifically charged to be in contact with the Hong Kong Government, the Consular Corps and with influential

foreigners.

Along with some other of the NCNA's co-ordinating staff they are housed avay from the functional (i.e. the journalistic) wing of N CNA in the Bank of China Building. Contact is normally confined to practical matters, and business is conducted by telephone. While for most tasks this means of communication has proved sufficiently swift and effective, NCNA staff do on occasion visit the Colonial Secretariat (e.g. recently over the matter of postal bombs).

8.

At another level there are a frequent comprehensive range of contacts by Government and quasi Government personnel on technical matters (post, railways, water, commerce etc.) with their CPG counterparts in Hong Kong and Kwangtung.

9.

Leung Wai-lam and his staff are thus able through the co-ordinating staff of N C N A, and the interlocking committees of the Party, comprehensively to control all activities of C P G units in Hong Kong. The control is tight and pervasive, and is developed sufficiently to allow the CP G to co-ordinate satisfactorily their activities in Hong Kong; to provide an extensive reporting capability; and to make C P G views known locally.

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