FCO 21/49 Chinese membership of UN

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CONFIDENTIAL

PART

66.

...

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2221/53/67

CONFIDENTIAL

M. Wilan

United Kingdom MissioN TO THE UNITED NATIONS

845 Third Avenue, NEW YORK, N.Y.

as well expected

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UN (A) an

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6 December, 1967.

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No.31

1967

with fe.

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Dejan Denson,

Les 196

181

FC212

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Chinese Representation

We reported the essentials of this year's debate on Chinese representation in the Assembly as it proceeded. We have also sent you voting sheets marked to indicate the changes in votes by comparison with last year (these are set out again by categories in the enclosures to this letter).

It may, however, be useful to give you our more general impressions of the debate and its outcome.

2. The three main features this year were, first, the general lack of interest in the debate; secondly, the studiedly luke- warm support given to Peking by the Soviet Union and, though to a slightly lesser extent, by the Eastern Europeans with the exception of Albania and Rumania; and, thirdly, the clear evidence in the vote of a further shift against Peking.

3. Last year the China debate was of special interest partly because at one time it was thought that Peking might come very near to admission on that occasion but also, more directly, because of the introduction of the new Italian proposal and the important shift in the Canadian position. This year there was no expectancy that Peking would improve its position; the only question was how many votes it was likely to lose. Moreover, though the Italians re-introduced their proposal, its poor vote last year had convinced the Assembly that it had no chance of success and it attracted very little comment. The general reaction was one of some mystification that the Italians should have wished to re-introduce it and it was generally believed that their motives were largely ones of domestic politics.

4. With regard to the Russian attitude, in his statement on 21 November, Ambassador Fedorenko almost deliberately appeared to place Communist China and the German Democratic Republic on the same level. In the English translation at least he called only for the "early" restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China and was similarly in favour of the "early" solution of the problem of the acceptance of the German Democratic Republic in the United Nations. Though this lack of Soviet enthusiasm came as no surprise, (Fedorenko had spoken very shortly last year also), it was inevitably a main factor in keeping down the temperature of the debate. The extreme

J. B. Denson, Esq., 0.B.E.,

Far Eastern Department.

and/

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

174

and impassioned Albanian and Cambodian pleas on behalf of Peking are just taken for granted.

5.

With regard to the outcome, the most interesting shift in the votes at first sight was that of Ecuador which abstained on the Albanian resolution. However, the Ecuador delegation have since circulated a note to explain that this was an error and it was their intention to vote against the Albanian resolution as usual. Leaving this aside, the only gain for Peking came from Libya which also moved from a negative vote to an abstention on the Albanian resolution.

6.

The main new votes going against Peking came from Africa. Botswana, Cameroon and Chad all voted against the Albanian resolution, having previously abstained, and Ghana abstained, having previously voted for it. Barbados, a new member since last year, also voted against the Albanian resolution. There was a similar shift against Peking on the "important question" resolu- tion where five countries, Cameroon, Cyprus, Chad, Iran and Sierra Leone, who had previously abstained, voted for the resolution. The overall effect of the changes, as already reported, was to increase the majority for the "important, resolution from 18 to 21 and the majority against the Albanian resolution from 11 to 13.

7. The voting on the Italian resolution showed a great many shifts. Broadly speaking, the Italians gained some African votes, or at least abstentions, but lost some Latin American support. The overall result was not very different. The resolution failed by a margin of 25 as compared with a margin of 28 last year.

8. The lesson from this year's debate, if there is one, is perhaps that the main factor in determining the UN's attitude to the admission of Peking is Peking's own behaviour. So long as they go on behaving badly it seems unlikely that they will make any progress here, but any significant shift in their behaviour, and particularly in their attitude towards the United Nations, could result in a rapid change in the balance of votes.

yours snicarly

belmon

Copies to:

Chanceries

-

Washington Rome Peking

Ottawa

(P.J.S. Moon)

CONFIDENTIAL

CHANGES IN VOTES 1966-1967

THE "IMPORTANT QUESTION" RESOLUTION

Yes to Abstention

Ecuador

Abstention to Yes

Cameroon

Cyprus

Chad

Iran

Sierra Leone

New Hember

Barbados

Absences

+

Abstention (1967)

Saudi Arabia Yes (1966)

CHANGES IN VOTES 1966-1967

THE "ALBANIAN" RESOLUTION

No to Abstention

Ecuador

Libya

Abstention to No

Botswana

Cameroon

Chad

Yea to Abstention

Ghana

New Member

Barbados No (1967)

Absences

Saudi Arabia No (1966)

CHANGES IN VOTES 1966-1967

THE "ITALIAN" RESOLUTION

No to Yes

Gambia Spain

No to Abstention

Botswana

Ghana

Kenya

Madagascar

Togo

Uganda

Abstention to Yes

Costa Rica

Cyprus

Laoa

Lebanon

Sierra Leone

Yes to Abstention

Bolivia

Ecuador

Greece

Liberia

Nicaragua

Panama

Peru

Trinidad and Tobago

Abstention to No

Chad

Hondurus

Lesotho

Yes to No

Congo (Democratic Republic) Malawi

New Member

Barbados Yes (1967)

Absences /

Absences

Saudi Arabia

Somalia

Abstention (1966)

No (1966)

Zambia

No (1966)

UNCLASSIFIED

With the compliments of

THE UNITED KINGDOM MISSTON

TO THE UNITED NATIONS

(P.J.S. Mo n)

C

ил

UN CARY DAY.

р.а p.c.

Лей

845 THIRD Avenue,

NEW YORK, N.Y.

5 December 1967

хи

+

+

ну

NATIONS. UNIES.

REC ARCHIVES No 31

UNITED NATIONS

NEW YORK

CABLE ADOREDU

AGNATIONS NEWYORK AORCINE TELCORARNIQUE

PO 134

11:- · 1967

F22/2

+

+

OPIE

communication deted

The enclosed translation of a communication deted

28 November 1967 is transmitted to the Permanent Missions

of the States Members of the United Nations at the request

of the Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the United

Nations.

+

P

о

30 November 1967

BX

+

+

+

+

ш

Translated from Spanish

PERMANENT MISSION OF ECUADOR

TO THE UNITED NATIONS

4-2-51

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the United Nations presents

his compliments to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and has the

honour to inform him that owing to a mistake during the mechanical voting in

the General Assembly Hall, as was later discovered, the representative acting

for the Permanent Representative in his absence abstained instead of voting against draft resolution A/L.531 and Add.1, which sought to expel the Republic

of China from the place it now occupies in the United Nations.

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador requests the Secretary-General to

take note of the foregoing and to transmit the text of this communication to

all States Members of the United Nations.

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador asks the Secretary-General to

accept the assurances of his highest consideration.

(Seal)

New York, 28 November 1967

UNITED NATIONS

Press Services

Office of Public Information

United Nations, N.Y.

RECTIVELY IN

474

ARCHIVES NO.1 Guber

1 2DEC 1967

F27

(FOR USE OF INFORMATION MEDIA NOT AN OFFICIAL RECORD)

NY/96

13

2 December 1967

The text of the following communication to the Secretary-General,

U Thant, which has been circulated to Member Governments as a note verbale, is reproduced below for the information of correspondents:

Original in Sparish

MISION PERMANENTE DEL ECUADOR

AFTE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS

El Representante Permanente del Ecuador ante las Naciones Unidas saluda

muy atentamente al Señor Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas y tiene a

honre informarle que debido a un error producido al realizarse la votación mecánica en la sala de la Asambles General, según se ha podião constatar posteriormente, el Delegado que actuó en ausencia del Representante Permanente,

en abstención en vez de haber votado en contra del proyecto de resolución A/L.531 y Add.1 tendiente a obtener la expulsión de la República de China del

puesto que actualmente ocupa en las Naciones Unidas,

votó

El Representante Permanente del Ecuador ruega al Señor Secretario-

General que se sirva tomar note de lo que antecede y comunicar el texto de la

presente comunicación a todos los Estados Miembros de las Naciones Unidas.

El Representante Permanente del Ecuador aprovecha la oportunidad para presentar al Señor Secretario General las seguridades de su más alta y

distinguida consideración.

Nueva York, a 28 de noviembre 1967

(more)

I

Translation in English

NV/96

2 December 1967

PERMANENT MISSION OF ECUADO TO THE UNIRED NATIONS

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the United Nations presents

his compliments to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and has the

honour to inform him that owing to a mistake during the mechanical vuting

in the General Assembly Hall, as was later discovered, the representative

acting for the Permanent Representative in his absence abstained instead of voting against draft resolution A/L.531 and Add.1, vhích sought to expel the Republic of China from the place it now occupies in the United Nations

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador requests the Secretary-General to take note of the foregoing and to transmit the text of this communication

to all States Members of the United Nations.

The Permanent Representative of Ecuador asks the Secretary-General to accept the assurances of his highest consideration.

New York, 28 November 1967

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

SSEMBLY

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1605

22 November 1967

ENGLISH

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND FIFTH

PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Wednesday, 22 November 1967, at 3 p.m.

A

73

RECEIVED IN

VES-N=31

-70EC 1967

FC2/2.

President:

Mr. MANESCU

(Romania)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations 937 (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 23 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 28 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70181

EF/gw

A/PV.1605

2

AGENDA ITEM 93

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS (continued):

(a) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531); (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, COLOMBIA,

GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add.1); (c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG AND THE

NETHERLANDS (A/L.533)

Mr. CERNIK (Czechoslovakia) (interpretation from Russian): What typifies the situation and the state of our Organization more than anything is the fact that the agenda of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations once again contains the item on the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations ard that, coce again, the General Assembly is dealing with this matter.

For eighteen years the legal Government of one of the Member States of the United Nations, the Government of the People's Republic of China, has been prevented from occupying its seat in the United Nations which belongs to it by right. The abnormal situation caused by the exclusion of the People's Republic of China from participation in the work of the Organization is contrary to the fundamental provisions of the United Nations Charter and also considerably weakens the effectiveness of the United Nations in finding solutions to the

most topical problems at the present time.

The restoration of the lawful right of the People's Republic of China to participate in the activities of the United Nations has been and remains a matter of the highest priority in the interests of improving the effectiveness of the United Nations. Without that participation, it is impossible to discuss and successfully resolve the problems on the agenda of the United Nations which

EF/gw

A/PV.1605 3-5

(Mr. Cernik, Czechoslovakia)

Ore

Unfortunately, once again we are

are of broad international significance.

forced to note that as a direct result of those irrefutable facts, and primarily

as a result of pressure brought to bear by the United States, our Organization

continues to remain in a situation in which in the various organs of the United

Nations there is no place for the legitimate representative of the People's

Republic of China; those places are occupied by the representatives of

General Chiang Kai-shek's clique.

ZR/rb

A/FV.1605

b

(Mr. Cernick, Czechoslovakia)

The United States, together with other countries, is perpetuating this

old trick and is presenting the draft resolution contained in document A/L.534 with the clear purpose of preventing once again the restoration of

the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

The purpose of such aspirations and attempts is to abuse the proper procedures of the United Nations General Assembly and to continue to postpone a decision. The Czechoslovak delegation rejects this draft resolution and

will vote against it.

The Czechoslovak delegation would like to stress once again that a

solution to the problem of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China, in the United Nations cannot be evaded by any speculative draft resolution based on a so-called two Chinas theory or by any attempt to complicate the question from the point of view of procedure. We also find unacceptable the draft resolution proposing that the question should be considered by an organ set up specially for the purpose, as is repeatedly recommended in the draft resolution submitted by Belgium, Chile, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands (A/L.533).

For those reasons the Czechoslovak delegation considers that the only acceptable draft resolution is that contained in document A/L.531 submitted by eleven countries, which considers that the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China is essential and recognizes that

the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China are

the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations. Furthermore, it considers that the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek

should be expelled forthwith from the place which they unlawfully occupy

at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it. In

accordance with that position the Czechoslovak delegation supports that

draft resolution and will vote in favour of it.

+

ER/rb

A/PV.1605

7

Mr. TOMOROWICZ (Poland): among the problems artifically created and maintained on the agenda of the United Nations, that of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is certainly the most harmful to the Organization itself, its representative character and its possibilities for action.

From a political as well as a legal point of view, the maintenance of the fiction of China being represented by the usurpers from Taiwan is absurd and untenable. The State of China is the People's Republic of China; the Government of China is the Chinese People's Government. Any other

approach simply departs from reality.

China is a founding Member of the United Nations. In fact, it is one of the five Powers to which the Charter has accorded special responsibilities. China remains China and its territory includes the Island of Taiwan in spite of the fact that this part of China's territory is being illegally held by

a foreign Power and some people parading as representatives of China. The victory of the Chinese revolution in 1949 brought a change in the Government as well as in the social and political system of that country. This has not changed the basic fact that the State of China is and will remain one of the

founding Members of the United Nations. Were we to apply any other criteria it is highly doubtful if, after the changes of Governments which have taken place since 1949, the United Nations would have a membership of 122 States

today. It clearly follows that the approach of the United States towards

the question of the representation of China in the United Nations reflects

purely political criteria. It is motivated by virulent hostility towards

China and by the military and strategic considerations whereby Taiwan, under the régime which is being maintained there, perfectly suits the needs of the global strategy of the United States.

China is not only a founding Member of the United Nations; it is also & great Power, a great Power by its population, its territorial vastness, its economic achievements and possibilities, and its technological accomplishments.

ER/rb

A/PV.1605

8

Mr. Tomorowicz, Poland)

That great Power, which from the legal point of view is fully entitled

to be present here, is being kept out of the United Nations. Unacceptable

conditions are being formulated. One can only wonder what would be the

reaction of any independent sovereign country in the face of such

hostility, such attempts against its sovereignty and undeniable rights.

One cannot help but wonder, too, what the proponents of the complete isolation

of China aim to achieve. Whatever those aims are, there can be no doubt

of their harmful results for the United Nations.

One such result is a substantial distortion of the real picture of the

world that this Organization must reflect if it is to fulfil its role.

Another result is a feeling of deep uneasiness whenever we become faced with

important questions, especially when these relate to Asia and the Far East.

Could one really envisage the possibility of solving any problem pertaining

to peace and security in Asia without the participation of the People's

Republic of China? Dwelling upon that point would, indeed, be forcing an

open door.

All the delegations in this hall know this. The tragedy of it all consists in the fact that, although everyone knows this truth perfectly well,

it is still possible to find here a majority who are in favour of continuing

the course of the United Nations along the blind alley it has been following for the past eighteen years.

The arguments for the immediate restoration of the lawful rights of China

in the United Nations are strong, numerous and decisive. We are all aware of

them, We also know that the half-measures presented here will not solve

the problem. For the question is not that of evading the issue by

shelving it; it is the question of fulfilling the fundamental right of

China to occupy its legitimate place in this Organization. It is the

question of assuring United Nations universality, which is a basic condition

for its representative character and therefore its effectiveness.

an obligation which this Assembly oves to the United Nations.

It is thus

ER/rb

A/PV.1605 9

Mr. Tomorowicz, Poland)

This solution can be achieved only by the immediate and unconditional

estoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, as is proposed in draft resolution A/L.531. The Polish

delegation, therefore, strongly supports that draft resolution and will

vote for it.

The meeting rose at 3.40 p.m.

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

President

later:

A

72

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1610

28 November 1967

ENGLISH

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND

TENTH PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York

on Tuesday, 28 November 1967, at 10.30 a.m.

RECEIVED IN ARCHIVES No.31

- 7DEC 1967

FC2/2.

pale

Mr. SEVILLA-SACASA (Vice-President)

Mr. MANESCU

(President)

(Nicaragua)

(Romania)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations (a), (b) and (c) [937 (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed cppies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 29 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE ↳ DECEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70201

RSH/ap

A/PV.1610 2-5

AGENDA. ITEM 33

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE UNITED

NATIONS:

(a)

(b)

(4)

DRAFT REBOLITION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA, THE SUDAN AND SYRIA (A/1.531 and Adá,1)

DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, COLOMBIA,

GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, MEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add.1) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG AND THE

NETHERLANDS (A/L.533) (continued)

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): I have the bonour of presiding over this meeting at the kind invitation of Mr. Cornelius Hanescu, the President of the General Assmbly. I should like to say how much I appreciate this honour and I express warn greetings to all delegations,

As vas agrond yesterday, the Assembly will first hear the remaining speakers who wish to explain their votes before the votes are taken, and then we will proceed to vote on the draft resolutions which have been

submitted in connexion with this item.

Mr. ANTOINE (Haiti) (interpretation from French): The delegation

of Haiti ever since the beginning of the debate on the question of China, has

given the closest attention to the siguients put forward by speakers who have precated as on this rostrum of the General Assembly. Fully cognizant of everything that has been said about the admission of People's China to the United Nations and, subsequently, about the seclusion of Nationalist China from the United Nations, it is now timely for the delegation of Heiti to explain its vote. It will do so quite Independently and in the light of the facts, We feel, however, that in this statement certain additional points should be

All Hambors are vell mare that China, by virtue of its geographic

location and its culture dating back for centuries 18 an old civilization

since it predates the Christian era by 7,000 years,

ET/TJE

A/PV,1610 6

(Ms. Antoine, Haiti)

Peking Man is the oldest example of homo sapiens and there is no doubt that Chinese culture is one of the most profound cultures in the history of man.

However, China is not an entirely homogeneous human conglomeration such as de European peoples have become throughout the centuries of invasion and migration, modifying or co-ordinating their whole formation. China, lelated

by the Pacific Ocean and the Gobi Desert, vas able to elaborate ita inutebility,

its racial and cultural, formula, sa Voltaire would have put it. The Chinese Empire for four thousand years suffered no appreciable alteration of its lava,

customs and language

if you prefer, in its way of life. It is certain that China was already civilized at a time when Greece vas slumbering in

sbscurity.

-

However, in about 1940 the Chinese situation, notwithstanding its ancient

civilization, ma sore desperate than ever, The country wha a prey to the

greatest anarchy when it was invaded. It was then that the unfortunate events involving Japan occurred. In August 195, following the Japanese defent, it vas liberated almost vithout a struggle at a decisive moment in its existence

as a national unit. It was at that moment that there arose the opposing groups

of Mao Tse-tung and Chiang Kai-shek, There were armed struggles after the

Comintern was dissolved in 1943. Stalin lost interest in what happened to Mɛo

and his group.

In June 1944 Averill Harriman, sent by the late Franklin Delano Roosevelt,

declared that the Chinese commumista vere not true communtate, and on

15 April 1945 Stalin and Molotov said the same thing to the American

General Burley,

later, Stalin said to the late President Roosevelt'

sssistant,

Mr. Harry Hopkins, according to United States Relations with China (Washington,1949), pages 71, 94 and 115:

"Chiang Kai-shek is the only Chinese leader capable of carrying out

unification; the Chinese commundet Isaders are neither suitable por qualified

to carry out that task."

A/FV.1610

7-10

(Mr. Antoine, Haiti)

How can one talk of a China divided into two separate territories when one of them holds the legal authority of a constitutional government by virtue of the principle of self-determination of peoples and their freedom to choose the form of government they wish? Nationalist Chim, separated from continental China, has always been regarded, in the eyes of this intercational Organization, as a separate State, with all due prerogatives as a founder Hesber of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council, because it represents the legal Goveysment of China, To call for its exclusion, as is done in draft resolution A/L,531, is 11logical, and the delegation of fiti will not cast its vote in favour of that draft. We regard it as a flagrant injustics to a sovereign State which is regularly recognized by the international community. Moreover, the delegation of Biti connet regard as an appropriate compromise solution the draft resolution in document A/L.533, vhich appears to call into question the inalienable rights of the Goverment of Nationlist China. Wa

sball abstain on that draft.

The delegation of Hiti vill vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in documents A/L,532 and Add.1, which recalls the recommendation

contained in resolution 396 (V) of 1k December 1950 that:

whenever more than one authority claims to be the Government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations and this question becomes

the subject of controversy in the United Nations, the question should be

considered in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter of

the United Nations and the circumstances of ench chạn,'

[N]

and further recalls the decision taken in resolution 1668 (XVI) of 15 December 1961,

that:

"... in accordance with Article 18 of the Garter ...any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question ...".

Por that reagon the delegation of Biti vill vote in favour of this draft

solution, in accordance with the instructions of its Government,

¡

:

EH/1de

A/PY.1610 11

Lord CARADON (United Kingdom): In his statement in the general debate on 26 September last my Foreign Secretary spoke of the serious effect which

recent events had had on Anglo-Chinese relations. We believe that there is

an overwhelming opinion in this Assembly which joing with us in deploring attacks

Apen foreign missions and ill-treatment and detention of diplomatic representatives.

My Govartment fully shares the condemnation of such acts, which represent so

serious & deterioration in standards of international conduct.

But, despite those deplorable actions, it is still our intention to do

everything we can to achieve a return to normal relations.

We continue to believe that it is right and necessary that the People's

Republic of China should be seated in this Assembly. The United Nations was

created to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of all nations in the

attainment of the purposes set out in the Charter. We should all be dedicated to that purpose. It can benefit neither the United Nations.nor the people of

China to perpetuate the exclusion of representatives of the Government of that

immense country from our international community.

Surely all our efforts should be directed not to keeping them out but to

persuading them to come in--to come in to share in the search for intomational

understanding and international co-operation and international authority.

It is well known to the Assembly that my delegation bus "lways taken the

view that this question of the representation of China is an important question

in terms of Article 18 of the Charter. Indeed, we believe that it is one of the

most fundamental questions that confront the Assembly. At the same time, for the reasons I have given, və believe that it is important that the question should

be resolved. It is our hope, therefore, that without further delay, and

by the necessary majority required by the Charter, the Assembly will finally

decide in favour of the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China in this world Assembly.

With regard to the draft resolution in document A/L-533, my delegation understands and respects the intentions of the sponsors of that draft; but,

as we have said before, we do not consider chat those proposals vould advance

at we believe should be the purpose of the United Nations in this matter. Wi cannot, therefore, vote for that draft resolution.

For the reasons I have given ay delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution in document A/L.531 and Add.1 and in favour of the draft resolution in document A/1.532 and Add.1.

SPT/RX

A/PV.1610

12

M2. HUOT SAMBATH (Cambodia) (interpretation from French): When I spoke on 20 November last on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations I had not than been able to study the draft resolution in document A/L.533, submitted by Belgium, Chile, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. The Cambodian delegation would like, therefore, to comment briefly on that draft.

The Cambodian delegation has listed with great attention to the explanations given by the Italian delegation when, on behalf of the co-sponsors, it introduced that draft resolution. The representative of Italy stressed, in his statement at the 1602nd meeting, that the tems of reference of the specia). committee had been to explore and study the situation in all its aspects. At the

time he recognized that the General Assembly had bad the question of Chinese representation before it for too many years.

As I have already had occasion to stress, the Chinese question has been before this Organization for almost twenty years. If a fair solution has not yet been found that is because of United States imperialias med the countries which depend on Washington, and not because the situation has not been examined and explored in all its aspects.

In our opinion the ultimate xiss of draft resolution A/L.533

would be the creation of "wo Chines" a solution which Cambodia and all sovereign countries which are respectful of the principles of the United Nations Charter raject emphatically, since the two-chine solution not only would be a flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter but would set a dangerous precedent for all countries. It would also represent approval, purely and simply, of the impreialist policy of the United States Goverment, which, in violation of all the principles of the Charter and of international law, has assumed the right to intervme in the domestic affairs of China by occupying the Chinese province of Taiwan by force.

If the authors of the draft resolution in document A/L.533 really want to strengthen the authority, prestige and efficiency of this Organization they should support unreservedly the draft resolution submitted by the non-aligned countries, including Cambodia, and reject the draft championed by the United States, which is merely a dilatory and dishonest manoeuvre on the part of United States imperialists.

:

·

EH/ids

A/PV.1610 13-15

Mr. Huot Sambath, Cambodi

In the light of what I have said, the delegation of Cambodia will vote against the draft resolution in document A/L.533, moved by the representative of Italy.

Before concluding, may I be allowed to reply briefly to something which has been said about the Cambodian delegation in this Assembly. A certain person rejected and thrown out of his country through a popular revolution, seems to wish to give advice to the representative of Cambodia in this Assembly. That is very moving, but it seems to us a little out of place for a person representing group of individuals who have been rejected and expelled by the Chinese people, and who can survive only thanks to the armed forces and easistance of the United States imperialists, to want to give advice to the representative of Cambodia who, by the way, knows perfectly well how to uphold the interests

of his country.

Regarding the statement of the representative of Thailand, who claimed that Cambodia bad made a slanderous statement concerning Thailand, I merely wish to say that everybody has known for a long time and a free, independent arbitrator can confirm it -- that Thailand is crammed with United States military bases which serve United States imperialists in perpetrating their acts of aggression against the Indo-Chinese peoples. Even the United States Press givus eloquent information on the air bases installed in mailand and the nucher of aircraft taking off each day from those bases in order to massacre the people of Viet-Nan.

Serving as a base for aggression by the United States imperialists in South-East Asia, Thailand, after having had links with the Japanese militarists, and having even declared war on the United States in the Second World War, is now so closely held in tow by the United States that it can no longer pursue an independent policy. Ita representatives do no more than repeat the declarations of their lords and masters in Washington.

AP/eh

A/PV.1610

16

Mr. HUDO (Albania) (interpretation from French): The General Assembly

soon will take a decision on the draft resolutions concerning the question of

the representation of Chine in the United Nations. The delegation of Albania, a co-sponsor of draft resolution A/L.531 and Add.1, which calls for the Immediat

restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the

United Nations, has already very briefly indicated on 21 November, in ita

statement in the general debate on the question, its point of view on the United States draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 and Add.1l, as well

we on the intention of the Italian delegation to renew its proposal of last year, nov contained in draft resolution A/t.533. We emphasized that those proposals

were both designed, but by different methods, to prevent once more the

restoration of China's rights in this Organisation.

Today,

fter having witnessed once more the repetition of outmoded fallacious pretentions of the authors of those drafts and of those who support them, we can say unhecitatingly that their artificial arguments, which are contrary to the Charter and to the practice of the United Nations, are the best proof of the total bankruptcy and lack of foundation of their proposals and of the regl and unworthy slam which lurk behind them.

We do not intend to go into an analysis here of the procedural subtleties Indulged in once more by opponents of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. We do not feel that La necessary. Frequently in the past ve have, together with the delegations of many countries, fully proved the total baselessness of the proposals of the United States and its partners, as well as the true goals sought by those strategans. The present statements of the authors of draft resolutions A/L.532 and Add.1 and A/1.533, and of those who support them, contain nothing

The repetition by them of their hoary allegations and fallacious pretexts, their far-fetched reasoning and the obvious emberrasment in which they find thensalves in supporting their arbitrary positions, which era absurd and contrary to the Charter, have proved once more for Member States the duplicity of the authors of those proposals. In brief, everybody knows full well that those proposals are nothing but subterfugee and delaying tactics designed to help the United States to prevent once more, by devious saana, the restoration

:

AP/eh

A/PV.1610

17

(r. Budo, Albania)

to Chins of its lawful rights in the United Nations, and also to cast a veil, if only a partial one, over their brutal obstructionist position on this question, which has been so severely condemned by world public opinion. other words, it is obvious to everybody that draft resolutions A/L.532 and Add.1 and A/1.533 serve only the aggressive policy of the United States, its plan of "two Chines" alued at perpetuating the occupation by it of the Chinese island of Taiwan and at the implementation of Ita wer plans against the People's Republic of China.

As we have frequently demonstrated, the restoration of the rights of China in the United Nations le neither a queation of the admission of a név Heuber nor a question of the exclusion of a Member State, China is one and indivisible, and Taiwan is a Chinese province which is an integral part of Chinese territory and which will most definitely one day be liberated by the Chinese people.

-

PH

Chine has been and raseins a founding Merber of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council. The only question now before the General Assembly, as it has been for eighteen years already in other words, since the triumph in 1949 of the people's revolution in China which overthrew for ever the rotten former régime of a clique of renegades and proclaimed tha foundation of the Feople's Republic of China is to recognize the true

representatives of that great country of 700 million inhabitanta. It is a

question therefore purely and simply of the representation in the United Nations

of a single State, already a Member, the People's Republic of China, and the

recognition of the credentials of the representatives of that State, in other

words, the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China.

That doverredent and it alone - has the authority and all the requisite

attributes to represent China in our Organization and in all international relations. The question of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations can be reduced therefore to a simple

question of representation and credentials. It is a very simple and clear

question which calls for no study, all the more so since it has been studied

and debated here for many years, It is not an important question in the terms of paragraph 2 of Article 18 of the Charter and therefore it does not need, for

its solution, anything more than a simple majority of the Members of the General

Assembly, Quite obviously, therefore, in the light of all these arguments, the

AP/ch

A/PV.1610 18-20

Mr. Budo. Albania)

AW/=1-J

A/PV,1610

21

(Mr. Budo, Albania)

Albanian delegation is strongly opposed to the request for priority made by Australia on behalf of draft resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, which is designed

to violate in the most crude way the clear and precise provisions of the

Charter.

Everybody knows that the People's Republic of China has been in existence

now for eighteen years, that it has constantly prospered and achieved remarkable

successes in all the areas of the socialist construction of a country, that

it has become a powerful socialist State, vith vary high authority and prestige,

and a decisive factor for the defence of the vital interests of freedom-loving

and pesca-loving peoples and countries,

Everybody love that there is only one Chins on this planet and that Taivan

is an integral part of Chinese territory.

Everybody knows that the Government of the People's Republic of China, and it alone, is empowered to represent that country and the whole of the Chinese people in international ralations. That is so clear that nobody is able to

dispute it,

Everybody knows that the question of the restoration of the rights of the

People's Republic of China in the United Nations is very simple and crystal

clear, that it calls for no study and that it should be settled by a simple

majority of the Hambers of the General Assembly,

Bverybody knows that it is not the People's Republie of Chine which needs

the United Nations, but that, on the contrary, it is the United Nations which

bas an imperative need to see great China, that powerful socialist Stata, maka

Its contribution and its most precious assistance to the rehabilitation, the

good functioning and the effectiveness of our Organization in the discharge of its task, in accordance with its fundasental principles and purposes.

All these truths are well known to everybody and to you all, The question therefore is whether the majority of Member States is going to continue to support

the United States position, which is arbitrary and contrary to the Charter, whether

is going to continue to play along with the aggressive policy of that imperialist Fower, or whether, on the contrary, mindful of the gravity of the present international situation and the deplorable state of affairs within this Organization,

and of its responsibilities in the light of these undisputed realities, it will

have the courage to adopt e just position in keeping with respect for and the

diguity of sovereign Member States, in secord with the Charter and in accord with the intereats of the safeguarding and rehabilitation of this Organization, and its

entry on the proper path -the path of its fundamental principles and of the legitimate aspirations of the peoples fighting for freedom, independence and peace,

The Albanian delegation expresses the hope that the majority of Member States

will choose this latter position and that they will come out unreservedly in favour of draft resolution A/1.531 and Add.1 presented by twelve States, including

Albania, which provides for the only just solution in accordance with the Charter

and the practice followed in such casea: that is, the imediate restoration to

the People's Republic of China of its rightful place in the United Nations and in

all its organi,

That would be, without any doubt, a very important step which

would become a milestone in the history of the efforts of peace-loving Hember

States to have the United Nations take a decisive tum in its course so as to

place it on the path traced by the Charter and in accord with the vital interests of mankind for freecca, peace and progress.

Mr. PARDO (Malta): I should like to explain in a few words the position of my delegation on the draft resolutions contained in documente A/L,531 and Add,1, A/1.532 and Add.1, and A/L,533. Chins has been unhappily embroiled in a civil var

for many years, During the course of the conflict, one side succeeded in obtaining

de facto power over mainland China, while the other side, the Government of the

Republic of China, retained control over insular Chine without relinquishing

AW/nl-j

A/PV,1610

AW/nl-j

(Mr. Pardo, Malta)

A/PV.1610

23

Its hopes of reversing the course of fortune and recovering pover in mainland China. At this point large-scale hostilities vere interrupted, but an agrestent terminating the hostilities has not been reached. Thus a civil war is still in

When a civil war is in being. It would be directly contrary to Article

of the Charter for the United Entions, vithout the gravest ressOTE * position in favour of one of the parties to such a var,

being.

to take

J

The proposal contained in document A/L.531 and Add.) in, undeniably, a direct intervention in favour of one of the parties and prejudicial to the other in an internal confitet, As für sa the United Nations is concerned, there are no sufficient reasons for such a proposal, since the Republic of Chim, a Government which was one of the original signatories of the United Nations Charter, has sought scrupulously to observe the Charter of the United Nations in letter and in spirit, and continues to be in control of part of the territory

of China, Hence, we cannot support the draft resolution sponsored by Albania and other countries, and we shall support the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 and Add.1.

At the same time, however, we cannot ignore the fact that the territorial

positions of the contending parties in the civil war in China have remained

substantially unchanged for a number of years and are likely to remain unchanged for some time to come, In these circumstances, the draft resolution sponsored by Italy and four other countries (A/L.533) would appear to be a constructive step, since it would perait mature consideration of a very complex situation in an

atmosphere free from the tensions of a General Assembly debate. We are under no illusion about the difficulties of finding an equitable and practical solution to the question of the representation of Chine in the United Nations at the

present international soment,

We note in particular the objections both of the Goverment of the Republic of China and the authorities in mainland China to proceeding as suggested in draft resolution A/1.533. We shall support that draft resolution, since we appreciate the sincerity of the intentions of the sponsors, which we feel deserve

encouragement and support,

+

Mr, AZNAM (HIlaysia): If my delegation did not participate in the

general, debate on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the

People's Republic of thins in the United Nations earlier on, it was not due to

The lack of interest in the subject, but, rather, due to the fact that the conviction of my delegation on this item remains the same as it vas at the twenty-first session of the General Assembly,

We have before us today three draft resolutions dealing with the question of

the restoration of the lawful rights of the People'a Republic of China in the

United Nations. The delegation of Malaysia, as in the past, subscribes to the

idea that the People's Republic of China should be represented in the United Nationa

if it so desires, We base our belief on the understanding that no meaningful.

efforts could be achieved in negotiating inter alia international agreements on

the question of peace and security, or peace and war, without the participation

of and, therefore, the acceptance of a country containing 700 million of the human

race.

While subscribing to this belief the Malaysian delegation, however, feels

equally strongly that in upholding the admission of the People's Republic of

China to this world Organization we could not support that part of the paragraph

in draft resolution A/1.531 and Add.1, sponsored by Albania and eleven other

countries which seeks:

"...to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place

which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it".

My delegation will not be able, therefore, to support this draft resolution, but

will cest our negative vote on it.

The Malaysian delegation also wonders whether a change in the representation pf China's seat in the United Nations requires an asendment to the Charter, If

it does, it certainly will require a tvo-thirds majority. We believe that

It

this is an important question as affirmed in General Assembly resolution 2159 (XXI). We shall consequently vote for draft resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, sponsored by

Australia and thirteen other Members.

AW/nl-3

A/FV,1610 24-25

Kr, Azzan, Malaysia)

While my delegation is appreciative of the good intentions of the co-sponsors of draft resolution A/L.533, sponsored by Italy and four other States, we again find it difficult to share the conclusions it implies.

abstain on that draft resolution.

My delegation vill therefore

DR/m

ם

A/PV.1610

26

Mr. PANYARACHUN (Thailand): My delegation said the following in its intervention of 23 November 1967 as regards the Italian draft resolution:

"... we cannot see any ground for establishing a United Nations study committee on this question, as proposed by the delegation of Italy and others in document A/1.533. Neither can ve see that, if established, such a committee could serve any really useful and practical purpose", (1606th meeting, page 47)

Having listened very carefully to the interventions of the representatives who spoke after I made my statement that day, we are more convinced than ever that the proposed establishment of the study committee is untimely and will not bring beneficial and positive results as envisaged by the co-sponsors. For these reasons my delegation will vote against draft resolution A/L-533.

In view of the statement made by the Cambodian representative just a few minutes ago, my delegation deeply regrets its having been impelled to take the floor to exercise its right of reply. In the course of my intervention on 23 November, I took the opportunity of exercising the right of reply of the delegation of Thailand to the statement of the Cambodian representative that vas made a few days earlier. I said the following:

"The Cambodian representative's habitum indulgence in polmics is well known to us all and it came as no surprise to us when, in his visdon, he chose to resort again to this tactic. The conclusion which we can drast from his statement is that be, unlike others, has been neither able nor willing to cast aside the vestiges of his colonial upbringing and emerge as ⚫ free and independent agent. Indeed the Cambodian representative has tried his level best to emulate the methods of his new lord and master, the Peking régime, in engaging in malicious verbal varfarė, as well, as in conducting hostile activities against all its neighbours". (Ibid., page 48)

Having just witnessed his performance today, I must admit that the words uttered by the Cambodian representative with regard to Thailand have further reinforced our assessment and strengthened our belief that the Canbodi an representative has indeed become a willing tool of a hostile and expansionist neighbour.

DR/am

A/FV.1610

27

(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)

The Cambodian representative has referred inaccurately to the role of

Thailand in the stand that many like-minded nations take with regard to the North

Viet-Nancae savage attempt to control the Republic of Viet-Nan by force. The

Cambodian representative, toeing the line of the Chinese communista, naturally bad

to echo the false and malicious statements made by his mentor.

The policy of the Thai Government on the question of Vist-Nam is no secret to

anybody. The part that Thailand plays at the request of the Government of the

Republic of Viet-New is also public knowledge. When my Government decided to send

troops to assist in the defence of the Republic of Viet-Nam against North

Viet-Nanese aggression, the Thai Government took steps to inform the Secretary- General of the United Nations accordingly.

In sharp contrast to this openness of our position, Cambodia on the other hand has for several years been making dasperata and futile attempts to cover up its

nefarious activities in giving direct and active support to the North Viet-Napese

aggressora. But truth cannot be hidden for long and truth speaks loudly.

As für back na 1964 an Aæsociated Presa dispatch dated 23 Hay said the

following:

"South Viet Nam produced a Communist Viet Cong prisoner Saturday who said his unit had flad into Cambodia twice in the past six months, and had

received political and military training inside the Cambodian border.

"Two other prisoners told a news conference they bad frequently traded

with 'friendly Cambodian soldiers! for supplier.

"The three said that Viet Cong units were under standing instructions to

fles into Cambodia whenever a superior Vistasuese government force approached their area,"

In 1965, the leading article of the New York Herald Tribune of 11 December unid

the following:

"A spokesman for the Cambodian government, in a letter published

elsebere on this page, denies that its territory is being used for supplying

Chinese Commist arms to the Viet Cong in South Viet Nam. He insists that

Cambodia is 'neutral.

"We would like to believe that it is, but the evidence points to the

contrary. Lt. Lai Van Cu, who recently deserted from the Worth Vietnamese

I

DR/AM

A/PV.1610 28-30

(Mr. Pazyarachun, Thailand)

army, disclosed that the 121at Reginent to which he belonged reached South

Viet Nam by marching through Laos and Cambodia. It is common knowledge that

the Ho Chi Minh trail crosses Cambodia. Unless the Cambodian government can

uphold its sovereignty and its declared neutrality, its territory unfortunately becomes a legitimate military target.

*The Cambodian spokesman clearly is aware of this danger, but it will take more than a letter to the editor to remove it."

The noted columist C.L. Sulzberger said the following in The New York Times of Sunday, 1 May 1966;

"On the basis of this investigation I have reversed my previous impression and concluded that Cambodia is indeed a sanctuary and supply source

for the Viet Cong on such a scale that the Pnom Penh Government must know it.

From the extreme south to Laos in the north, Cambodia is violating its proclaimed neutrality."

He then went on to say:

"Cambodia isn't acting in the least bit neutral, no matter what it pretends."

In the last few days we have all seen newspaper reports which give secounts of the same fact. I should like to quote a few excerpts from those reports.

On 20 November 1967 there was this dispatch from Fnom Penh by William Tuohy

published in the New York Post as follows:

"They say they have discovered what appears to be hard evidence of

Viet Cong base cop well inside the Cambodian border, shout 100 miles

northeast of here.

"The discovery was made by Ray Herndon... of United Press International,

and Horst Faar... and George McArthur.

... of the Associated Press."

Thyep

A/PV.1610

31

TL:/op

(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)

A/FV.1609 32-35

the following day, 21 November 1967, The New York Tines had this

report in a dispatch by George KeArthur and Horst Fass of The Associated Press:

"We found the Vietcong comp, recently used, on the border opposite

War Zone C, about 70 miles northwest of Saigon. It had been used for

several souths and was probably a staging area for the Loeninh battle,

only nine wiles away, earlier this month."

It went on to say:

H

"Evidence of Vietcong occupancy in the crap included military records

written in Vietnamese and North Vietnamese medical supplies,"

All these reports, which vere again confirmed this morning in

The New York Times, testify to the fact that Cambodia has been actively engaged in helping the Viet Cong, in helping the North Viet-Nam régine in committing their aggression against their brothers in South Viet-Nam,*

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The Assembly has nov

concluded ita debate on agenda item 93, having now heard all those representatives

who wished to explain their votes before the voting.

The Assembly has before it three draft resolutions: draft resolution A/L.531 and Add,1, submitted by Albania, Algeria, Cambodia, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Pakistan, Romania, the Sudan and Syria; draft

resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, submitted by Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil,

Colombia, Gabon, Italy, Japan, Hadagascar, New Zealand, Nicaragua,

the Philippines, Thailand, Togo and the United States of America; and draft resolution A/1,533, submitted by Belgium, Chile, Italy, Lanterbourg and the

Netherlanda,

At the 1603rd meeting of the Assembly the representative of Australia

formally requested that priority be given to the draft resolution contained in

document A/1.532 and Add.1. The Amstmbly must first decide whether to accede to

this request. I shall therefore put to the vote the proposal that priority be given to draft resolution A/1.532 and Add, 1.

first.

A vote was taken by roll call,

Nigar, having been drawn by lot by the President, vas called upon to vote

In favour:

Against:

Niger, Nigeria, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Thailand,

Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, United Kingdom of

Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuele, Argentine, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Costa Rica,

Dehoney, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Gabon, Gambia,

Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland,

Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast,

Jamaica, Japan, Laos, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Luxembourg,

Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldive Islands, Malta,

Hexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua

Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Senegal, Singapore, Somalia,

Sudan, Syria, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic,

Union of Soviet Socialist Republias, United Arab Republic,

United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia,

Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Bursa, Burundi,

Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cambodia, Ceylon, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Ethiopia,

France, Ghana, Guinea, Hungary, India, Iraq, Kenya, Kuvait,

Mali, Mauritania, Mongolia, Nepal

Abstaining: Norway, Portugal, Sweden, Tunisia, Austria, Barbados,

Cyprus, Demerk, Ecuador, Finland, Lebanon, Morocco

The proposal vns adopted by 67 votes to 43, with 12 abstenti

The President took the Chair.

BRS/BP

A/PV. 1610 36

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The General Assembly has decided to great priority to the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 and Add.1. I shall therefore now put that draft resolution to the vote. A roll-call vote has been requested.

A vote was taken by roll call,

Jamaica, having been drawn by lot by the President, was called upon

to vote first.

In favour:

Against:

Abstaining:

Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Halaysia, Maldive Islanda, Malta, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Botsvana, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Costa Rica, Cyprus, Dahomey, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Gabon, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast Kenya, Kuwait, Mali, Mauretania, Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Norvey, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Senegal, Singapore, Somalia, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukrainian Eoviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia, Afɛnanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cambodia, Ceylon, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finald, France, Ghana, Guines, Hungary, India, Iraq

Portugal, Austria, Barbados, Ecuador

The draft resolution was adopted by 69 votes to 48, with à abatentions.

י

BBS/ap

A/PV.1610

37.40

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The General Assembly will now vote on the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531 and Add.1.

A roll-call vote has been requested.

A vote was taken by roll call,

Quines, having been dram by lot by the Presideșt, as called upon to

vote first,

In favour:

Against:

Abstaining:

Guines, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Hali, Mauretania, Hongolia, Nepal, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist

Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia, Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Bures, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cambodia, Ceylon, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, Frence Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Malta, Mexico, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Thailand, Togo, Turkey, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Argentina, Australia,

Barbados, Belgium, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Costa Rica, Dahomey, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Gabon, Gambia, Greece,

Guatemala

Iran, Jamaica, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Maldive Islands,

Horocco, Netherlands, Portugal, Singapore, Trinidad and

Tobago, Tunisia, Austria, Canada, Cyprus, Equador, Ghana The draft resolution was rejected by 58 votes to 45, vịth 17 abstentions.

BSH/r.js

A/PV.1610

41

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I now call upon the resentative of Syria, who wishes to raise a point of order.

The

My, DAOUDY (Syria): I should like to speak on a point of order, General Assembly has just adopted draft resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, despite the opposition of all countrisa who are asking, and rightly so, for the restoration of the lauful rights of the People's Republic of China, in the thited Nations. If the General Assembly, on the other hand, unfortunately hea not accepted our draft resolution A/1.531 and Add.1, this fact is due to very obvious ressona, We still believe, however, that elementary common sense would call for the scceptance of the right course which we proposed in our draft resolution, but in view of the fact that the General Assembly has accepted the United States proposal, asking for a two-thirds majority vote on this question, I wish formally to ask that the same procedure be applied to draft resolution A/L.533 subeitted by Italy and four other delegations.

In doing so, ve do not depart from our position that the restoration of all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations does not fall under Article 18 of the Charter and therefore does not require a two-thirds majority vote.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The last draft resolution on which the General Assembly has to vote is A/L.533. The representative of Syria has requested that this draft resolution be regarded as one relating to an important question and, therefore, requiring a two-thirds majority. for the Assembly to decide this.

Mr. VINCI (Italy): I have asked to be permitted to speak in order

to oppose, on behalf of the delegations of Belgium, Chile, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy, the motion which has just been put forward by the representative of Syria for the second time, since he put the same motion forvard last year.

This motion, if I understand it correctly, aims at defining draft resolution A/2.533 as an important resolution in the meaning of Article 18, paragraph 2 of the Charter and therefore requiring the application of the two-thirða ajority rule.

RSH/rja

A/PV,1610

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(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

May I, in this respect, draw the attention of the General Assembly to what I said on 21 November in introducing draft resolution A/1.533. I pointed out

on that occasion that the five Powers' draft resolution was clearly of a

cedural nature in so far as a vote cast in its favour should not in any

vay prejudice the attitude of any Member on the substance of the problem. My I

reaffirm, therefore, that the objectives of our draft resolution do not come under any of the points listed in Article 18, paragraph 2 of the Charter.

It is not, in fact, the purpose of this draft resolution to put forward any

proposal to change the representation of China, The purpose of our draft

resolution, and I emphasize this, is to establish a committee with the mandate of exploring and studying in all its aspects the question of the representation

of China and then to report to the Generd Assembly at its twenty-third regular

session,

This is a decision that in our opinion clearly falla under Article 22 of

the Charter, which states that:

"The General Asambly may establish such subsidiary organs as it deems

necessary for the performance of its functions."

Personally, I have not the slightest doubt that my learned

colleagues are fully aware of the General Assembly practice, as reported in

the United Nations Repertory, which indicates clearly that all decisions under

Article 22 of the Charter consistently have been taken by a simple majority

of the Members present and voting. The reasons for this rule are obvious,

EP/ida

A/PT.1610

46

Ex/ids

(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

A/PV.1610

47

(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)

Ketablishing a committee, whatever the implications, is not a major or an irrevocable decision. Hence it is only fair that, if a simple majority of Members is in favour of establishing a committee, they should be allowed

to get a decision of the Assembly to that effect. The rights of the minority,

which the delegation of Italy has always firmly defended, will be fully

guaranteed when, at the twenty-third session, the Assembly is called upon

to set upon the report of the ad hoc committee should that report contain

recommandations of a substantive nature. Therefore, in opposing the notion

submitted by the representative of Syria, I appeal earnestly to my colleagues

to vote against it in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the United

Rations Charter,

Mr. SHAHI (Pakistan): The Pakistan delegation supports the motion

of the representative of Syria. Our reason for doing so is simple. If the Assembly had not adopted resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, which my delegation voted

against, there would have been no question but that a simple majority would have been sufficient for the adoption of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531 and Add.1 and also of draft resolution A/L.533. However, the Assembly

has resolved that any proposal to change the representation of China is an

important question which should be decided by a qualified majority. Consequently

that applies se much to the Italian draft resolution as to that sponsored by

Pakistan.

As my delegation submitted last year, a proposal for the solution of a

problem is not of a different character from a proposal concerning the modalities

of arriving at a solution. That is a simple principle which has never bam

disregarded either in this Ansambly or in the Security Council. Wera it to be

rejected we should find ourselves in the illogical position of arguing that the appointment of subsidiary organs under Article 22 for the settlement of

questions which are important and substantive is merely a procedural matter. That would be contrary to the established practice of the General Assembly

end to the precedent it set last year on this very question.

I hope that the Assembly will apply the same standard to the two draft

resolutions now before it. According to the decision already taken by the

Assembly. both would require a two-thirds majority for their adoption.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French); I shall now put to the

vote the proposal of the representative of Syria that the Assembly decide that draft resolution A/L.533 deals with an important question and, as a result, a two-thirds majority is required for its adoption. A roll-call vote has

been requested.

A vote was taken by roll call.

New Zealand, having been drawn by lot by the President, was called upon

to vote first.

In favour:

Against:

New Zealand, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Romania,

Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, Syria, Thailand,

Uganda, United Arab Republic, United Republic of

Tanzania, Upper Volta, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Afghanistan,

Albania, Algeria, Australia, Burma, Burundi,

Cambodia, Ceylon, China, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba,

Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, India, Iraq, Kuwait, Mali,

Mauritania

Niger, Sierra Leone, Spain, Trinidad and Tobago,

Turkey, United Kingdon of Great Britain and Northern

Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela,

Argentina, Barbados, Belgium, Botswana, Brazil, Canada,

Chile, Costa Rica, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti,

Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Lesotho,

Luxembourg, Maxdeo, Netherlands

Br/id/jpm

Abstaining:

A/PV.1610 48-50

Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Singapore, Somalia, Sweden, Togo, Tunisia, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Austria, Bolivia, Bulgaria,

Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cameroon,

Central African Republic, Chad, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Finland, France, Gabon, Guyana, Honduras, Hungary, Indonesia, Iran, Ivory Coast, Jordan, Kenya, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldive Islanda, Malta, Mongolia, Morocco, Repal

The PROSTORT (interpretation from French): The result of the vote

18 36 in favour, 31 against and 53 abstentions.

The proposal to consider that draft resolution A/L.533 deals with an important question, and consequently requires a two-thirds majority for adoption, is therefore adopted.

*Subsequently the delegation of the Central African Republic informed the

Secretariat that it visbed its country to be included among those which had voted in favour of the Syrian proposal.

EH/eh

A/EV.1610

51

The President)

The General Assembly will now vote on the draft resolution contained in document A/L-533. A roll call vote has been requested.

A vote vas taken by roll call.

first,

Suden, having been drawn by lot by the President, was called upon to vote

In favour:

Against:

Tunisia, Turkey, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, Barbados, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Gambia, Guatemala, Iceland,

Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Laos, Lebanon,

Libya, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Morocco, Netherlands,

New Zealand, Sierra Leone, Spain.

Budan, Sveden, Syria, Thailand, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist

Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United

Arab Republic, United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta,

Yemen, Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Australia, Bulgaria, Bursa, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cambodia, Central African Republic, Ceylon, Chad, China, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Democratic Republic of), Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, Denmark,

Ethiopia, Finland, France, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary,

India, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Jordan, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali,

Mauritania, Mongolia, Nepal, Niger, Norvey, Pakistan,

Paraguay, Philippines, Poland, Romania, Rwanda, Senegal, Singapore, South Africa.

Abstaining: Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda, United Kingdom of

Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Argentina, Austria, Bolivia, Botswana, Cameroon, Dominican Republic, Ecuador,

M. Salvador, Gabon, Ghana, Greece, Guyana, Haití,

Indonesia, Iran, Kenya, Kuwait, Liberia, Madagascar,

Malaysia, Maldive Islands, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pareos,

Peru, Portugal.

The draft resolution vas rejected by 57 votes to 32. with 30 sbetentions.

A/PV.1610 52-55

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I shall now cell ca

representatives who have indicated their desire to explain their votes after

the voting.

Mr. Akis (Ghana): We owe it to ourselves, as well as to the world, explain to this Assembly why the delegation of Chans voted in the way it did on the question of China's representation in the United Nations.

As was stated by the Chairman of the delegation of Chana, Mr. Harlley, in

his address from this rostrum during the general debate:

"The fundamental basis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Ghana is non-alignment and balanced neutrality... this implies that we7 examine every international issue on its merits and... take what in [our] view constitutes a just and equitable stand." (1565th meeting, pp. 27 and

20-30)

It is within the context of that princi) le of objectivity and realism that ve have again this year formulated our position with regard to the question of China's representation. *

Concerning the resolution submitted by the delegation of Australia and others, just adopted by the Assembly, asserting that the question is an important one requiring, therefore, the two-thirds mejority voting principle, the delegation of Ghana voted against, as it has always done, in the firm and honest belief that there is nothing in the rules of procedure of the General Assembly, nor in its practice, to support the view of the co-sponsors of that resolution. To us the matter is a simple, straightforward question of the credentials of the delegation of the successor Government of a founding Member State, the Republic of China. On that question of whether China's representation is important or simple our position is similar to that of the delegation of

Pakistan.

-

Article 18, paragrapha 2 and 3, of the Charter is specific and exclusive on the matter. We are not dealing here with the adsission of a new He

State

-- nor with an additional category of questions to paragraph 2

decided by a two-thirds majority --

of vhich this is a specific paragraph 3 example, for the simple reason that the General Asembly has not determined such categories in terms of paragraph 3 of Article 28.

Mr. Seville Sacasa (Nicaragua), Vice-President, took the Chair.

t

AP/nl-J

A/PV,1610

56

(Mr. Alrei, Ghana)

We are dealing here, not with a Government, but with a State which vas a founding

Member of the United Nations, Logle, law and the Charter would therefore seen to

Indicate only one answer to the question of the procedure which should govern the

consideration of the Chinese question, It is a simple matter requiring only a

simple majority vota, We therefore voted against the Australian draft resolution,

It is when we come to the substantive resolution, the Albanian draft

resolution, that the difficulties begin. We have consistently held the view

ever since the question of Chinese representation came before the General Assembly,

and we still do in spite of provocations we have suffered from that Government,

that the legitimate, effective successor Government of the Republic of China which Joined the United Nations in 1945, at least na far as he mainland is concerned, is the Government of the People's Republic of China, Whether that Government de communist or capitalist, whether it is plagued by red guards or pink ones whether it is aggressive or not, whether it vill be a good United Nations Member or not, these are irrelevant to the issue. By whose definition of aggression anyway are we invited to judge Peking? There are a few Member States of this

Organization which on the basis of such an argument vould not qualify to be here

one minute. The issue la: this Organization has no right to deny the seating of any successor Government of a Member State; indeed it has the duty to facilitate such a process in the interests of world peace, security and e operation. Resson and realim demand the application of the principle of universal admissibility, The problems of the world today demand the presence here

of the representatives of the 700 million people of China,

It is precisely for this and other reasons that we feel unable to vote for the Albanian draft resolution because it seeks #xpel *** in addition to the

seating of Peking the expulsion of the representatives of the Republic of China

based on Taluan. We do not think it wise that the seating of the People's Republic

of Chins should preclude us from any other options with respect to Trivan, Some of

un may have very strong objections to the circumstances which have led to the

establishment of the Chiang Kai-shek Government on Talvan, but we cannot be blind

to the objective fact of the existence of that State, just as we cannot ignore the existence of Peking. It is an objective fact that the Government of Taivan odstą

AP/nl-j

A/PT.1610

57

(Mr. Alvei, Ghana)

and has participated and still participates in this Organization even if under contested constitutional premises, That is why the Vice-Chairman of the National Liberation Cormeil of Ghana, Mr. Barlley, in his address to this Assembly said:

"...the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. in the United Nations should" -- pot m "prejudice the claim of Taivan es a member of the international community," (1565th meeting, page 43}

Our understanding of the law of State succession convinces us that Peking

1s the successor State in this dispute, Of course, the law of State succession may not preclude the emergence of more than one State from the parent State but in the present confrontation of claims and counter-claims by both Peking and Talven this may not be a fruitful field for guidance. That is why we are at present unimpressed by the so-called two Chinas policy. But ve do not rule out the possibility of an eventual political solution outside the framework of the so-called two-China policy. Unfortunately we have found nothing new in the debates here to indicate that such a political solution is possible now, We have therefore

abstained on the Albanian draft resolution.

In the light of our position on the Albanian draft resolution we felt bound to abstain on the Italian draft resolution. That draft resolution hna sone merit but we believe that it suffers from the contingencies of the present international

situation.

AP/1-J

A/FV.1610 58-60

(Mr. Solomon,

Trinidad and Tobago)

It

Whatever may be the legal aspects of the situation it must be clear to all of us that the international fate of about one-quarter of the world's population

ust be important, if not to us, at least to them. It is not a staple issue. in not, as the Albanian draft resolution would have us believe, the question of

It is the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. more than that. It is in fact a decision which of two rival claimanta represente the Chinese people; and having decided which one represents the Chinese people, what is to be our attitude towards the other one?

-

The principle of universality in the Charter requires that we make possible or at least that ve do not close the door to the admission to this Organization of upwards of 700 million people. Therefore, this Organization should take no decision which affectively tans from the Organization the people of mainland China. But this very principle of universality requires that we do not marily dismiss from our counsela the 12 million people who reside on the island of Taiwan and who have an fective Government which is able to represent them,

Mr. SOLOMON (Trinidad and Tobago): Every year this Assembly has been asked to decide the very important matter with respect to the representation of the people of China in this Assembly and in its concomitant organizations. Every year there has been a certain amount of best generated on this issue, but my delegation feels that a matter as important as this should not be decided by invective or by name-calling or by accusations of bad faith which can after all only aggravate existing tensions and not allow people to form their opinions and arrive at conclusions on the basis of cale and rational thinking. We do regard it a very important question indeed, and we have voted to have it so regarded by

the Astrably.

:

AW/nm

A/PV,1610

61

www/My

A/PV.1610

62

(Mr. Salomon, Trinidad and Tobago)

Now we come to the third alternative proposed by Italy and some other delegations. last year, the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago not only supported but co-sponsored a similar draft resolution. We did so in the hope that it would receive wide-based support which would make its implementation possible. Unfortunately, it was ignominiously defeated. There were nearly twice as many votes

against it as there were in favour of it. And we am no indication this year that

it would receive support of a more substantial nature. We considered the time inopportune to revive this approach to the Chinese question. Accordingly, my delegation abstained on the vote, while recognizing the merits of the Italian proposal (A/L.533).

My. VILCI (Italy); I wish to state very briefly the reasons why the Italian delegation voted against draft resolution A/L.531 and Add.1 containing the

proposal which the General Assembly has once again rejected. As I stated in my intervention before this Assembly at its 1602nd meeting, • vote against the draft

resolution co-sponsored by Albania and ten other countries implies, rather than a

judgement on its herits, the refusal of the method which, year after year, has been

proposed to us with a view to solving the problem of the representation of China at

the United Nations.

The question of securing the representation in the world Organization of the

people of China, the largest national entity in the world, cannot be solved by a

mere vote. It is like hiding from ourselves the real hard facts of international

life, hiding from ourselves the complex situation which has developed all these

yakra.

For these reasons, we voted against draft resolution A/1.531 and Add.1, and we are zora convinced than ever that a new approach is needed, Kay I, as a point of

clarification, add that this assessment is based on the results of the two votes

which have taken place on the proposal put forward by five delegations, including my own, Seen all together, these votes show a more favourable response, and may I

say that we could also detect this better response in the statements even of those

delegations which voted against it or were not prepared to accept it.

It may well be, so the representatives of Ghana and Trinidad and Tobago bava Just pointed out, that the present juncture has not favoured our proposal. If, thes efore, we have some regrets, they are tempered by the indication of an incrassing

awareness in this Assembly of the need for a new approach to this serious problem.

(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

New ideas necessarily need a slow ripening, especially when they are meant to change a long-hardened pattern of thinking. We were nevertheless encouraged and

stified by the better understanding shown towards our idees and we are confident that what has not proved mature at this session may become so at the next.

We are grateful to our co-spanders and to those who voted in favour of our draft resolution. We express our appreciation also to those who wanted to discuss with us this idea even if they were not in a position to agree with it.

+

We are, finally, confident that the next twelve months which, I must admit with a tinge of regret, might have seen an ad hoc committee studying this problem in depth -- will be fruitfully used in further discussions and consultations,

although of an informal nature, so that a basis of agreement might be reached

before we went again to consider this problem.

In the meantime, we shall keep on with one single inspiration which comes free. a great figure, well known to our friends of Belgium and the Netherlands. We are sure they will not mind if we say, with William the Silent; "It is not necessary

to hope in order to undertake, or to sucesad in order to persevere".

Mr. BUDO (Albania) (interpretation from French); The Albanian delegation

would like to explain that in voting in favour of the point of order of the delegation of Syria, requiring the application to the Italian draft resolution (A/L.533) of the provisions of resolution A/L.332, it did so because it considers

that once a procedural motion is adopted at a given session on a given subject,

that procedure must be applied thiring that same session to any proposal relating

to the substance of the sam, issue.

We also wish to stress that our position in regard to the content of resolution A/L.532 remains unchanged. We believe, na always, that the application

of the two-thirds majority to the question of Chinese representation in the United

Nations is contrary to the Charter and inndelssible.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): As there are no other explanations of vote, we have now concluded our consideration of agenda item 95.

The peeting rose at 1 p.8-

A

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1609

27 November 1967

ENGLISH

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND

NINTH PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Monday, 27 November 1967, at 3 p.m.

RECEIVED IN ARCHIVES NG 31

-7DEC 1967

Fe2/2

President:

later:

Mr. MANESCU

Mr. EL-FARRA

(Vice-President)

(Romania) (Jordan)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations (a), (b) and (c) [937 (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 28 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 1 DECEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70197

ET/ap

A/PV.1609

2

AGENDA TIEN 93

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS:

(a) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROHANIA, the SUDAN and SYKIA, (A/2.531 and Ad4,1):

(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUPMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, COLOMBIA,

GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, the PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO and THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add.1); (c) DRAFT 8590LUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, MARY, LUXEMBOURG and the

NETHERLANDS (A/L.533) (continued)

The PRESIDENT" (interpretation from French):

I would remind the

General Assembly that it decided to close the list of speakers on this subject at noon on Friday, 24 November, Tan delegations are still on the list to

In addition, several delegations participate in the debate on this agenda itam, have given notice of their intention to explain their votes before the vote, Therefore I propose to call this afternoon on the representatives who have put their nases on the list to participate in the discussion, those who wish to explain their votes before the vote and those who desire to exercise their right of reply. Tomorrow morning, after hearing the last speakers on the list who wish to explain their votes, the Assembly will vote on the various draft resolutions which have been submitted in comexion with this agenda item, and vill then beer representatives who wish to explain their votes

er the vote.

If I hear no objection, I shall consider that the Assmbly approves that

procedure.

It was so decided.

Ey/er

A/PY,1609

3

Mr. MWEMBA (Zambia): The item now under consideration is not a

new one in the history of the United Nations. The question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China has been debated each

It is the year in this Assembly with no positive or fruitful results. sincere hope of my delegation that this year's debate will result in positive steps being taken.

The Republic of Zambis, believing in and upholding its high principles, has been and continues to be in favour of the restoration of the rights of the People's Rephailic of China in the United Nations and all its organs. We believe and are convinced that the exclusion of the People's Republic of China, a founding Member, a nuclear super-Tower, the State with the largest population in the world and a peace-loving State, is contrary to the principles embodied in the Charter of this Organization. Since the victory of the Chinese Revolution in 1949, the People's Republic of China has made tremendous progress in technology, industry and the general, welfare of its people. Despite the changing political trends and patterns in the world, despite the progress which the super-Powers, including China, have made in the field of nuclear capability, Chine ressing shut out of the United Nations. History, it appears, has taught us very little through the experience of the League of Nations and Nazi Germany,

All the delegations to this Assembly know that from the political as vell as the legal point of view the argument that China is represented by Talvan is nothing but mere fiction. The State of China is the People's Republic of China and the Government of China is the People's Goverment in

Peking.

It has been said that to expel Taivan from the United Nations in favour of the People's Republic of China would be to depart from the principle of universality in the Charter of the United Nations, but it seems that it does not occur to the protaganiste of that theory that by the same token that same principle is being violated,

Those who oppose the admission of China argue further that the acceptance of China, would not make China automatically a respected member of the international Community, because the great problm of cassiatenes would still Hy delegation cannot accept that argument as it is pot in accordance

resein.

A/FV.1609

4-5

EX/rja

A/PV.1609

6

with reality,

(Mr. Mwembe, Zambia)

the so-called problems of coexistence will not be solved by barring Chine. This Assembly should be reminded of the serious activities

Thousands and thousands of innocent of certain major Povers in East Asia. people, women and children, are dying daily as a result of the aggression

Asia and Africa of those who claim to abide by the principle of coexistence. wish to be left alone to enjoy peace and stability. Chine is a great and respectable nation. China is so powerful that my delegation does not see why it should be expected to come on its knees begging to have its

It is the duty of legitimate place in the United Nations restored to it. this community, in its wisdom, to restore to Chim its lawful rights.

known, is the maintenance main objective in this Organization, an everyone of peace and security in the world. This high principle cannot be sacrificed on the altar of expediency,

Our

My delegation fails to appreciate the attitude of those Western Powers which oppose the admission of thing at all costs, and do so on an ideological

It is to be basis -- a basis which is unacceptable in this Organization. observed, sadly enough, that those same Fovera which support their puppet, Taivan, are the major supporters and trading partners of the illegal and racist régimes in southern Africa.

(Mr. Mremba, Zambia)

How can we believe that those States mean well and believe in the principle

of majority rule and human rights? They believe in materialiem. They are

Prepared, to the suprise of no one, to sacrifice all in the name of materializm, Western hostility towards China has all the trappings of racism and the

African peoples must see it in that way for what it is worth. Indeed, we have

all suffered at the hands of the racists. We see it in their many references to the Chinese as "wards" or "teaming hordes", or to "the ant heap" and "the yellow menace". We know that those teres, liberally used in the pages of

Western literature and history, are meant to project the laage of an inferior

or a sub-human race, Africans also have been given their share of nemer, and

we all know them too well. Those of us who give our votes to this racist

scheme of isolating China are in fact supporting racism, which is the scourge

of Africa.

There has been a lot of talk about Feking's "aggression" and Peking's "expansionism". We are told that China is not peace-loving, that it wents

var and that it has violated times without number the Charter of the United Nationa

in its dealings with other States in east Asia. What makes that whole purely

negative lobbying mampaign so ludicrous is that those who are most vocal in that

judgement against China are themselves guilty of even more serious crimes,

Of course, as everyone known, Viet-Nam is but one example of China's showing

super-human restraint even when subjected to incessant provocation by foreign

imperialist forces operating dangerously close to its borders.

As the records of history shov, it is china which has been the victim of

colonialist aggression and expansion and foreign violence. To mention only a few, the United Kingdom's opium war of 1839-42 initiated a long series of

asssults in order to gain exploitative tresties and China succumbed to an era of

torture, humiliation and oppression. Happily, all that came to an end in 1949,

when the aggressors vere finally liquidated. It is the rescents of that frustrated element which are new whipping up fear and hysteris on an international

zenle against the new China.

ER/rje

A/PV,1609 T

(Mr. Mye-ba, Zambia)

EB/TJS

A/PV,1609 8-10

Mwembe, Zambia)

But what are the manifestations of the much discussed Chinese "aggression and expansioni"? Even though China is the largest nation on earth, one heers of no Chinese soldiers being outside its borders. One knows of no foreign bases owned by China. One does not hear of its destroyers and submarines

What is more, one does not patrolling the teritorial waters of other States. hear China announce, with impunity, that its bombers are unleashing thousands of tons of explosives on the territory of a weak, independent sovereign State. That Chinese "aggression" is a complete systery, and a complete fiction to my

delegation,

The problem of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China, cannot be solved by continually shelving the probles each year.

The United Nations must face its responsibilities and restore to the people of China their legitimate place in this Organization. That is an obligation which this Assembly owes to the people of China.

All delegations in this Assembly know perfectly well the tragedy which could be sparked off by the continued exclusion of China from this Organization, yet one still finda mary delegations which support that short-sighted policy. All delegations know, and realiza very well, that the permanent and lasting peace of east Asia and the world depends on this issue. By keeping the People's Republic of China outside this Organization we are doing harm to the Organization and to the development of peace and security, particularly in

Asia and Africa.

The Zambino delegation has examined the draft resolution contained in document A/L.552, submitted by a number of Western Powers, asking that the Assembly confirm that any proposal to change the représentation of China in the United Nations is an important question requiring a two thirds majority, in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter, That manomvre has been used time and again, and my delegation does feel that this is a mère time whating and delaying tactic. This is a procedural matter and not a substantive one. Therefore my delegation will vote against that draft resolution.

1

+

The Zambian delegation supports the replacement of the representatives of

the Republic of Chins by representatives of the People's Republic of China

And will, for the reasons indicated above, vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531, sponsored by Albania and other

Fowers.

Mr. DAOUDY (Syria): Once sore the General Assembly convenes to consider the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. The delegation of Syria, which is one of the co-sponsors of the draft resolution in document A/L,531, firmly believes that

the time has come to put an end to the anomalous situation and that the People's Republic of China should at long last occupy its legitimate and rightful

place in this Organization.

Through the opposition and pressure of the liited States Government, our Organization has been deprived of the presence among us of the Government which

represents a quarter of the human race. Any further attempt by the Whited States Government, either directly or through the subterfuge of delaying

tactics used by other delegations, to continue that state of affairs will

constitute a persistent mockery of the United Nations.

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Mr. Daoudy, Syria)

I do not have to repeat the various valid and very pertinant arguments advanced by many speakers who have preceded me to this rostrum, Let me refer, however, among other things, to the benefits which could be derived by the international comunity from the termination of this arbitrary attitude towards the legitimate rights of the people of China in our Organization. Needless to say, it is in the interest of the United Nations as a whole that that great country, with its immense potentialities, should regain its place in the

forefront of this international body.

Permit me to quote, as I did in my speech of last year, from the October 1966 lasue of the American Journal of International Law, Messrs. Myers MacDonald and Richard Goodman, under the title "Chinese Participation in the United Nations".

hat the following to say:

"A participation decision vill determine whether and how one-quarter of the world population will share in world community processes of authority, and it will "ffect the resource-base-material, institutional and strategic, of international organizations. A transfer of Chinese V.X. santa could affect the advancement of human rights, the development of international law, the distribution of wealth by international agencies, and the dissemination of knowledge bearing on health, meteorology, food production and peaceful uses of atomic margy. This transfer would have an impact on U.A. space programmes " "

.

Let us review the reasons China's opponents have always invoked in order to justify their persistent negative attitude towards the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

First of all, the United States delegation, together with a number of other delegations, is raising a procedural matter regarding what it calls "the important question" in its draft resolution A/L.532 and Add.1. The pretext advanced by the United States representative is that:

"...any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter." (1602nd meeting, Page 11)

+

:

(Mr. Daoudy, Syria)

We do not share the views of the United States representative, which are

clearly meant to confuse the issue. In our opinion, the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China is not a matter of admission of a new

Member. Article 18 does not apply in this instance, because China is a founding

Member of the United Nations and a permanent Lember of the Security Council.

No better description of the reasons which motivated the United States delegation

to resort to the so-called important question could be given than that supplied by the delegation of Somalia. In a speech delivered on 25 November 1966 the

representative of Somalia had this to say about this very question:

"The 'important question' tactic, for example, was only introduced

five years ago when it became clear that it might not be possible for

a simple majority to be obtained on the proposal to keep the question

of China's representation off the agends. That question certainly is an important one, not in the sense of Article 18 but in the souse that

for seventeen years the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization have been denied to it." (1477th meeting,

page 47)

The United States delegation, in order to justify its persistent attitude

against the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China

in the United Nations, considered our draft resolution unacceptable, as we

heard from the United States representative, for the following reasons:

First, what draft resolution A/1.531 proposes, in his words:

.......ia a direct affront to the idea of universality, namely, the summary expulsion of a Member of the United Nations." (1602nd meeting,

pago 16)

Secondly, that the Taiwan Government:

H

..göverbs some 13 million people, a population exceeding that of most of the Members represented in this body," (Ibid.)

and that that Government;

"...is recognized diplomatically by a majority of the membership of the United Nations." (Ibid.)

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(Mr. Daoudy, Byria)

Thirdly, that the other step our draft resolution contemplates, and

I quote the United States representative again: "...is the seating of the representatives of Peking in the United Nations." (Tbid., page 17) In view of that proposal, the United States representative thought it proper, as ha said, to consider what he called the conduct of the People's Republic of China in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter and, second, its declared attitude towards the United Nations itself.

And, to conclude, the thited States representative sums up hila Government's analysis of the international situation and the conduct of the

various States and authorities as follows:

"If there is a political authority in the world ... more hostile to international peace and security, more diametrically opposed to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter by Government does not know of it." (Ibid.)

Let us analyse those argments and see whether they can stand up to an

objective scrutiny.

First, how can our draft resolution, which calls for the restitution to the legitimate Government of China of its seat at the United Bations be considered as contrary to the universality of membership of the United Nations.

Hes the so-called Government of Taivan ever pretended that Taiwan does not belong to China? Therefore, the logical conclusion is that the recognition of the People's Republic of China's rights in the United Nations would automatically exclude the presence of the representatives of the so-called Government of

Taiwan.

Secondly, if the United States Government considers the fact that the so-called rulaz of Taiwan goven 15 million people as a valid reason to warrant its presence at the United Nations, one wonders whether that argument militates in favour or against the United States position regarding the whole issue under consideration. Bow can ona defend a thesis whereby Taiwan, though part and parcel of Chine, should have the right to be at the United Nations, and then adopt a diametrically opposite stand vhen it concerns the rightful Government of China, which governs 750 million people?

Furthermore, to our knowledge Taiwan is not recognized diplomatically by a majority of the United Nations membership. What we know from American published sources is that the number is less than that.

-

i

!

(Mr. Daoudy, Syria)

Third, it is almost unbelievable to read the statement of the United States

representative concerning the so-called conduct and attitude of the People's

jublic of China in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It is indeed beyond our understanding how anyone could

hazard such a statement. The United States representative wonders about the

matter and says:

"If there is a political authority in the world today more hostile to

International peace and security, more diasetrically opposed to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter"

his Government does not know of it.

(Ibid.).

Does the United States representative consider the aggression committed by Israel on 5 June 1967 against Syria, the United Arab Republic and Jordan in harmony

with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter? Surely, such e

statement does not stand the test, when the whole world knows of the occupation

by the Israeli forces of Arab territories three times the size of Israel. I

there any doubt that Israeli aggression is contrary to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Chartar? Can anyone pretend that Israel! repeated acts of aggression against the Arab countries, for which Iarnel was

severely condemned many times by the Security Council, are not hostile to

International peace and security?

One wonders how such statements can be made, and especially at a time when

the Security Council was considering the grave situation in the Middle East

resulting from the Israeli aggression on the Arab countries. We fail to

understand how the intelligence of the other delegations could be so tragically

underestimated. Furthermore, the United States representative in his commente

on the memorandum (A/6831) submitted by the co-sponsors of draft

resolution A/1.531, Invokes what he calls the attitude of the People's Republic

of China in Viet-Nan,

To our knowledge, there are no Chinese troops in Viet-Nam, In this respect,

suffice it to remember here what the bands of delegations, and soong thee a large

mumber of allies and friends of the United States Government, had to say of the

United States policy tovarda Viet-Nam in the course of the general debate of the

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(Mr. Daoudy, Syria)

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present session of the General Assembly.

Hardly a day passes without international public opinion condeaning the ruthless, cruel and unjust war waged by the tnited States Government against the heroic people of Viet-Nam. Witness especially the fierce opposition being demonstrated by American public opinion.

For all of these reasons, the draft resolution submitted by the United States and thirteen other delegations (A/L.532 and Corr.) cannot be accepted by my delegation, because it invokes an irrelevant Article of the Charter with a view to preventing the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations,

The now come to the draft resolution submitted this year again by the delegation of Italy and four other delegations (A/L.535). We shall vote against it for the same reasons which compelled us to do so during the twenty-first

session of the General Assembly. Our main reason for this vote is the

unrealistic approach of the draft resolution to the whole problem, We call on the Assembly to reject it because it represents a step backward, and not a step forward, in the right direction.

No better description of the Italian draft resolution (A/L.533) could be given than that contained in a report called Chira, the United Nations and United States Policy, published in September 1967 by the United Nations

Association of the United States of Amerion. Here is what the authors of that

report say:

"There is a widespread view mong United Nations delegations that the time is part for a procedural resolution, such as that on which the Italians took the initiative at the twenty-first Assembly." Pinally, we trust that any objective amlysis of the present international, situation points to a very simple conclusion: namely, the longer the People's Bepublic of China is deprived of its lawful rights in the United Nations, the ware this Organisation is being wirepresentative of the world reality.

In fact, it is an astonishing phevosenon that such an occurrence could

happen.

ter how obstinate and short-sighted the present United States policy can be, the People's Republic of China does occupy its legitimate place in the world, Purthamore, the sooner the United States policy-makers admit this glaringly axiomatic fact, the better for the United States, for the United Nations, and, ultimately, for the world at large,

Mr. EL KONY (United Arab Republic): It is not my intention, at this late stage, either to restate the position of my delegation with regard to

storation of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the Uited Nations, or to repeat the arguments which have been adduced in support

of our views, as the United Arab Republic has repeatedly, in the United Nations or in other international gatherings, made its position clear on this matter. Its position is not only based on facts of law, practice and justice, but is also

based on its deep conviction that every effort should be made to strengthen this Organization and enable it to perform its responsibilities fully and effectively.

To achieve this purpose, the realities of international, life should be honestly

reflected in this Organisation. We must not attempt to ignore the facts or to deceive ourselves in this respect.

It is widely and rightly recognized that the People's Republic of China, & great Power and a founding Member of the United Nations, has an effective

role in shaping the international policies -- a fact which has been particularly

recognized even by those who have opposed its participation in our Organization

for the last eighteen years, through procedural manoeuvres. It is inconceivable that this Organization could effectively cope with the present and future international problems of peace without the full participation of the People's

Republic of China,

Many delegations have already referred to what the Secretary-General stated in the introduction to his annual report (A/6701/Add.) and Corr.2) to this session of the General. Assembly. He has expressed the view that no organization

with the comprehensive aims of the Charter can be successful unless it had

represented in it all the diverse peoples, cultures and civilizations of modern

life, and that outstanding international problems, such as the crisis in

South East Asia and disarnement, would sees to stand a better chance for

settlement through the attainment of universality of membership of the United

Nations.

We consider it, therefore, laperative that all Member States which believe

in the United Nations and its Charter, which wish to see the United Nations as

an effective instrument in maintaining international peace and security, should

correct the abnormal situation in this Organization concerning the

non-participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United

Nations,

A/FV.1609

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(Mr. El Kony, United Arab Republic)

All arguments which so far have been adduced repeatedly by the opponents of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations in order to substantiate their position, have no support in lav or practics, How can one expect us to believe that the mere change of a government of a founding Member of the United Nations requires an application for admission to membership of the Organization? How can one expect us to believe that the mere change of representatives, following the change of a government, means the expulsion of a Member State?

:

A/PV 1609

(Mr. El Kony.

United Arab Republic)

Never in the history of the United Nations has this world Organization

estioned the right of a new goverment of a Member State, in effective control

ita territory, to represent ite country in the United Nations. Nor has it

considered credentials, except in this case, as a subject which requires a

qualified majority - unless, of course, we wish to set in contradiction of the

Charter of the United Nations by discriminating against the People's Republic of

In the final analysis, one cannot but conclude that the position of some

Governments, as reflected in the draft resolution of the United States, is

guided by their own policy toward the People's Republic of China, without taking

into account the interest of the world community or the future of our world

Organization.

In this connexion, let us join the Secretary-General in his hope that: "Political difficulties that appear to stand in the path of this objective

will, I hope, be measured against the long-term advantages that universality entails." (A/6701/Add.1. para, 161)

It is difficult to understand that the great Chinese people of over 700 million, a quarter of the whole world population, should not be allowed representation in the United Nations through wrong procedures and unjustifiable

pressures.

We are deeply convinced that the Government of the People's Republic of

China is the only one which can and should represent China in this Organisation,

It is not in the Interest either of the United Nations or the international

community to prevent the People's Republic of China from assuming its

responsibilities as a great Power and as a permanent member of the Security Council. Unjustifiable political considerations must not be allowed to affect

the vital interests of mankind-

All Member States of this Organization have a special responsibility to

correct the abnormal situation in the Organization concerning the non- participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United Nations,

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(Mr. El Kony,

United Arab Republic)

By supporting the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531, the Member States will contribute to correcting this abnormal situation and to fulfilling their obligations toward the People's Republic of China and the world at large.

Against this background my delegation cannot but vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531. It will also vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L,532.

With regard to the draft resolution contained in document A/L.533, ve believe that the course of action envisaged by it is uncalled for and delays only further the right course of action which should be followed by this Organization.

Mr. ALARCON de QUEBALA (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish); Consistent with its custon of more than fifteen years, once again the General Assembly is discussing the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chine in the United Nations. My delegation has made known its views on this matter in great detail in previous years, Last year 100 stressed the fact that the delegations which opposed s just solution to this problem have shown that they lacked adequate reasons or arguments to justify their attitude. There is therefore very little to add to this interminable debate, and that is why my delegation will limit itself to summing up the position that it has constantly defended since the coming to power of the Revolutionary Government of Guba.

China is a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council. There is only one Chinese State, country and people. In this hall, in the Security Council and in all bodies dependent on this Organization, there is only one seat reserved for the Chinese State. Eighteen years ago the reactionary, puppet clique that claimed to represent that State was swept out of power by a popular revolution that has radically transformed ancient Chinese society, Vast continental China vas liberated to the last millimetre by its people with wesponse in their handa; it was only in the Chinese province of Taivaa, hiding behind the cannons of the Seventh Fleet, that refuge vse given to the seromary henchmen of those that had been overthrown. From that time

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A/PV.1609 23-25

to tak

(Mr. Alarcon de Quesada, Cuba)

on this Organization has been confronted with an extremely simple problem: note of the fact that eighteen years ago the pro-Imperialist réging that had

pressed the Chinese people was replaced by a revolutionary régime, that in the exercise of its most sacred and inalienable rights the Chinese people had set up a new social and political régime in conformity with its legitimate interests and with the course of history.

The gang that has taken refuge in Taiwan and the Seventh Flest of the United States are totally lacking in representation and carot claim to represent nere or anywhere else either the Chinese State or any other State. If the Taiwan régime has managed to survive, it has only done so through the crude military intervention of the United States. Its existence is exclusively dependent on the darmons of the Seventh Fleet,

Therefore, this Assembly is not discussing the admission of a new State or the expulsion of another State. It is only a question of recognizing the fact that it is only the Government of the People's Republic of China that truly and unequivocally represents that State, Furthermore, it is only a question of recognizing a fact that now is a part of history.

Guided by those principles, my delegation has joined with other Member States in this Asscably in submitting draft resolution A/1,531/and Add.), which is the only draft resolution to propose a solution to this problem in conformity with th United Nations Charter. Therefore, my delegation will oppose draft resolution A/L.532 and Add.1, sponsored by the United States, which calls for an arbitrary two- thirds majority to solve the problem of the representation of China, which is only another effort to reject the credentials of a Member State and to impose the presence of a group of usurpers in the seats of that State and using prefabricated majorities for that purpose.

With regard to the draft resolution contained in document A/1.533, we should like to say that it is unacceptable to us. Its adoption would be tantamount to ignoring the indisputable rights of the People's Republic of China; although it was presented as an effort to find a constructive solution to the problem, its true result would be to maintain the illegal status quo.

7

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(Mr. Alarcón de Quesada, Cuba)

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(Mr. Alarcón de Quesada, Cuba)

There is nothing to study, nothing to investigate, nothing to negotiate. Neither this Assembly nor any of its Members has any right whatsoever to interfere in the internal affairs of States or to pass judgement on the changes that any people may choose to make in its social régime.

The only just and permissible solution is that of abiding by the facts of history, in this case the verdict that has been handed down by the people of China itself in the full exercise of its right to salf-determination. This Assembly has but one duty, namely, to respect this reality and to restore to the People's Republic of China its lawful right to be the sale representative of its people in this Asemably, in the Security Comell and in all other bodies of the United Nations. Along with this, it is obligatory for us to decide for the immediate expulsion of those who have been usurping the lawful rights of China but who cannot and do not

It is certainly represent the Chinese people, or any other State, for that matter, an open secret that if this problem still remains pending and without solution, it is because of the designs of the imperialist Government of the United States of America. The United States delegation in this Assembly once more is standing in stubborn opposition to a solution of the problem of the restoration of the larħal rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, repeating the same arguments it has used for eighteen years as proof of its adsment refusal to respect the changes that are taking place in the world. The imperialist Goverment of the United States, at the very height of its cynicism and hypocrisy, is attempting to set itself up as the lord and master of this Organization, deciding which States are entitled to join it and which are not. But the Yankee imperialists are completely lacking in all moral authority to talk about the principles and ideals of this Organization. Their criminal aggression; their cowardly and immoral attack on Viet-Nam; their interventions in Kares, the Congo, Laos, the Dominican Republic, Cuba and the Middle Sast; their threats against Cambodia; their policies of interference, subversion, exploitation and blackmail all over the world; their

all of these define the imperialist support to the colonialist and racist régiæca

Government of the United States on the hangaen of naakind, the worst of all threats to peace, the arch-enemy of all peoples.

The denial to the People's Republic of China of its lawful rights in this Frganization is part and parcel of the global imperialist strategy of the United Mates to impede the development of the revolutionary movement, to preserve its hegemony in all parts of the world and to perpetuate its exploitation of the world's peoples. All States calling themselves peace-loving must rise against that policy; and in the subject now under discussion here there is only one way to do that, namely, to restore to the People's Republic of China its lawful rights in the Thited Nations. That restoration can be accomplished in only one way, and that is the way laid down in document A/L.531/Add.1.

Mr. MIDDELBURG (Netherlands): The renewed debate on the problem of the representation of China has so far not produced any novel aspects. The conflicting claims to the seat of China in the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations have once more been put forward in more or less identical terms and by approximately the same group of delegations. The approach to the problem differs only in detail from the argumentation used in previous years.

Although there is a wide divergence of opinion on the ultimate solution of the problem, the fact remains that many Members do wish to bring an end to the existing stalemate. Their sins may differ and their convictions may be widely separated, but they do have this in common, that they soek some movement in a situation that

has caused uneasiness for so many years.

During the twenty-first session of the Assembly the Italian delegation took the initiative of proposing the formation of a committee that would be entrusted with the exploration and study of the situation, an initiative resulting from a proposal made a year earlier. In spite of a noticeable lack of interest on the part of the twenty-first General Assembly, the Italian delegation has had the courage and the good sense to introduce this proposal once more in this twenty-second session of the General Assembly. My delegation welcomes this perseverance and, together with the delegations of Belgium, Chile and Taxesbourg, has joined the Italing delegation in introducing the draft resolution containing this proposal.

As was so ebly explained by the representative of Italy when he presented this draft resolution to the Assembly, the main object of our proposal is to create a body that will strengthen the prestige and effectiveness of our Organization. I will not repeat or venture to improve upon the many and cogent arguments which

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(Mr, Middelburg, Netherlands)

(Mr. Middelburg, Netherlands)

Ambassador Vinci adduced in proposing the establishment of a committee of the General Assembly. As the debate draws to a close, I should like to do no more the Answer some of the criticism that has been levelled against the proposal containe. in document A/L.533 either during the debate or in private conversations, and I shall attempt to underline once more the positive approach intended by my delegatim.

One advantage ve see in establishing a committee which will be entrusted with an extensive study of the entire problem is the possibility of continuing the study of this question even after the Aasmbly has adjourned. This will enable the Committee to perform its task in an atmosphere of tranquillity, free from the tensions and preasured surrounding the General Assembly and resulting from its crowded agenda.

It has been pointed out that as early as 1950 an attempt was made to solve the problem of the representation of Chine by means of a committee. At that time the muggestion was made by the delegation of Canada, and the fifth session of the General Assembly decided, to establish a special committee to consider the question. That Committee reported to the sixth session that it was unable to make any recommendations. May I remind Members of the fact that the Committea established in 1950 met only twice. During its first meeting it did no more then elect a Chairuan, and ten months later it net again to adopt its report. It is evident that the Committee at that time did not undertake a serious study of the problem, since circumstances reigning in those years prevented it from coming to grips with the matter. It is the sincere hope of my delegation that a future committee will. be in a better position to undertake, and will indeed be able to undertake, a thorough and objective study of the question.

It is our understanding that the committes ve have in mind will do no more than collect facts and opinions, and present the result of its study to

It is not intended that twenty-third session of the General Assembly.

the committee should go beyond this mandate. In spite of this very clear delimitation my delegation believes that the committee could wake a contribution to the solution we are seeking to reach.

The Chairman of the delegation of Chile expressed this very clearly when he stated that the committee should work with great latitude and flexibility

in order to present the General Assembly with some positive contribution,

The proposal for the establishment of a study committee has met with opposition from many sides, The fact that it is opposed both by those delegations that wish to bring about a change in the present representation of China, and by those that favour & continuation of the existing situation, should be an indication of the objectivity on which it is based.

Prompted by the conviction that some fresh impetus should be given to the search for a solution, my delegation was pleased to lend its support to the Italian delegation in its valiant efforts. We confidently hope that the joint draft resolution in document A/L.533 which has resulted from these efforts vill attract sufficient votes to indicate that there exists a genuine desire to attempt a new approach.

Mr. KANTE (Mali) (interpretation from French): A mumber of countries, including my own, have submitted to the twenty-second session of the Omeral Assembly of the United Nations the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. My delegation will speak only about the facts. The legal aspects of the matter have been dealt with very eloquently by the co-sponsors of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.551 and Add.1 who preceded me to the rostrum, Therefore, vo take note of the relevant argumente presented by them.

The sponsore of the draft resolution contained in document A/1.531 and Add,1 have year after year requested the discussion of this question because of their concern for justice and their desire to see lawful rights restored. We mak for equity and justice for the great People's Republic of China in the sane

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BHS/ch

(Hr. Kante, Mali)

of the Charter of the United Nations and the noble ideals enshrined therein, For us it is not only a matter of preaching those subline ideals in a capricious manner, but of respecting them and carrying them out in all

revné tances.

The delaying manoe

which up to now have prevented the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations are due to the abject political expediency of the imperialists. If we examine the argumenta put forward on both sides we shall see that the two doctrines admit (1) that the People's Republic of China, demographically speaking, represents a quarter of the human race; (2) that China is a founding Hember of the United Nations; and (3) that the United Nations, to be affective, mat be universal. Furthermore, even the most intransigent advocates of the Chiang Kai-shek clique do not deny that the People's Republic of China has a right to be seated here. All they do is present outrageous conditions, which of course cannot be accepted, for its seating. They timidly and svkwardly present the thesis of the two Chinas, whilst the number of those bo want to seat the People's Republic of China increases year after year. Therefore, the divergence lies in the conditions put forward by the advocates of Chiang Kai-shak, They say that the People's Republic of China should cease ite alleged aggression and that it should demonstrate that it is faithful to the ideals of peace and the Charter of the United Nations. To justify their allegations, they like to speak of tensions in the Far East, for which they make the People's Republic of China responsible.

That is reminiscent of a well-known fable, which can delude no one. Wa imov she is responsible for the crisis in the Far East. The People's Republic of Chine is neither a belligerent, nor aggressive, nor subversive. It has not violated the air space or territorial waters of any State, but its own territory is constantly being threatened and violated.

There are some who constantly like to remind us of the fire states of the People's Republic of China, taking those statements out of

context. Thus, they completely sisinterpret those statements and transform thes into incendiary remarks, while in fact they are only a response to the bellicose acts of others, Thosa persona should also have recalled the many

A/PV,1609 33-35

(Mr. Kante, Mali)

positive statements of the People's Republic of China, especially, among others, the statement of Prime Minister Chou En-lai in August 1960 when he offered to conclude with the United States of America a mutus), non-aggression pact. I should like to direct the attention of all peaceful States to the statement made by Chou En-lat in Bandung on 25 April 1965 suggesting that the problem of Taiwan should be solved together with the United States. I am also thinking of the proposals put forward by the People's Republic of China in October 1964 concerning a treaty on nuclear disarmament,

In speaking of the present situation, there are some who would like to frighten us with statemente about the activities of the so-called Red Guarda of China. However, they forget to tell us about the constant subversive activities of those who work for sons Governments that wish to extend their hegemony throughout the world. They therefore wish to keep the People's Republic of China outside the international commity, despite all the legal, moral and political argumenta to the contrary,

If belligerency, aggression and subversion were sufficient criteria for States not to be Heubers of the United Nations, many Statém today would pot be present in this Hall. In the name of the "sacred" doctrine of colonialism and imperialism, they have been responsible for all the crises everywhere in the world. It is they who preach to w with remarkabla disingenuouspess the words of the Gospel, but we are not that naive. They are condemned even by their own public opinion, as vell as by world public opinion. They would do better to try to rehabilitate themselves in the eyes of mankind through a change in their criminal policy.

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(Mr. Kante, Mali)

They waste their time by trying to present the great People's Republic of Ching in a completely fallacious light and by trying to make us forget all the ordses they have comitted, This litery does not delude anyone, Mystifications

are now at an end. The régine of human exploitation, corruption, hunger, and misery imposed by Chiang Kai-shek are now at an end once and for all. The Chinese people, having expelled the Chiang Kai-shek clique, is trying to build & new society. The People's Republic of China is intrinsically democratic and peaceful and pursues & peaceful policy. Anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist, the great Chinese people have always fought side by side with all peoples fighting for dignity and Justice in accordance with the United Nations Charter. The People's Republic of China, in the settlement of international disputes, observes the principles of peaceful coexistence proclaimed at the historic Bendung Conference, and the representatives of the free countries of Cambodia and Nepal enn bene vitness to this.

Non-interference in the interm) affairs of States is one of the sain policies of the People's Republic of China, and my country is fully aware of the disinterested position of that country in bilateral co-operation throughout the world. Many States Verbers of the United Nations know this, and if there are countries which lack respect for the United Nations, the People's Republic of China is certainly not one of them; it is rather those who try to convince this Assembly by using puerile and fallacious argumenta which they do not even believe themselves.

The representatives of Cambodia and Burse found a benevolent but ineffective defender in this Assembly on 20 November. Listening to that advocate of lost CALLEDE, I thought first that it the representative of Cambodia or Burns; but it was not, it was a representative who put up a sorry defence. Let me prompt him. He could easily have reminded the Assembly of the numerous aggressions against Cambodia on the part of South Viet-Man, Thailand and others.

According to that speaker, it is difficult for a Chinese to abandon his family, his friends and his homeland and to lose his human identity in exchange for extle, This means that the Chinese people must not and cannot be represented by any one except the Government of the People's Republic of China, that is, by the Chinese who remained on the mainland. We recognize with him that those who left their howeland cannot claia to represent China.

RSH/AP

A/PV,3609

37

+

(Mr. Kente, Mali)

According to this same speaker, the people on Taiwan have not yet decided to go back to the mainland to continue what they call the liberation struggle, Although they claim that twenty-one provinces out of twenty-six supposedly openly challenge the present régime and that most of the large cities are also opposed to the Peking régime Is this because of a lack of idealism or a lack of courage? Either way, their spokestan can hardly be proud, But this will not delude us. President Mao's régime is in an excellent state of health and more popular than ever, Let those who doubt this go and see for themselves. The great cultural revolution, the supreme manifestation of

lesocracy, is there for all to see, We challenge those who call themselves the most democratic of régimes, including the puppet régime in Taivan, to *** what is happening. They will soon see that they do not represent their people but rather military and civilian oligarchies and aristocracies.

It is clear to the whole international community that none of the great problems of our time, including the Viet-Naxese drame and diearzement, can be solved without the participation of the People's Republic of China, and we recognize that the absence of the People's Republic of China greatly weakene our Organization. The General Assembly must therefore be just to the People's Republic of China and restore its lawful rights in the United Nations, and exclude from the United Nations and all its bodies the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek who are only held in place by their masters' guna.

The great Chinese poeple will not tolerate such longer being represented here by the Taiwan people. We are sure that very soon they will triumph over all the forces of evil and remove the ostacion of which they have been the victia for twenty yeaTE,

It is not the question of the admission of a new State which we are debating, but the restoration of the lawful rights of a State which fulfils all the conditions of the Charter and which has been deliberately kept out of this organization for twenty years. This requires the expulsion from the United Nations and all its bodies of the representatives of the puppet régize of Taiwan, Taiwan is and always has been a province of the People's Republic

of China,

FEH/ap

A/PV.1609

38-40

HP/rja

(Mr. Kante. Mal1)

In our view, the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's

Republic of China is a procedural matter. The Charter does not speak of Governments, but of States. My delegation therefore rejects draft resolution N/L-533.

By voting in favour of draft resolution A/L,531, gentlenen, you will be putting an end to attempts at secession. By rejecting draft resolutions A/L.532 and A/L.533, you will be preserving the unity of your countries and preventing any

future tragedies. I am sure that you will be guided by your wisdom,

MT. FAKHREDDINE (Sudan): The question of Chinese representation has

been before the United Nations since the euergence of China as a unified national

Power, when the People's Republic of China was proclaimed in October 1949.

In the intervening years, the United Nations has admitted to its fold

nations, many of which had no claim to admission beyond the fact of their

existence se independent States, while the admission of the People's Republic

of China has continued to meet with adasant resistance. Many irrelevant

arguments have been advanced in this Assembly through the years for this

exclusion, arguments which have appeared all the more unconvincing as the People's Republic of China continued to assert its effectiveness as the only

government of the 750 million people of China.

Since the question that is being considered by the United Nations relates to the representation of China, the arguments, mostly based on conjecture,

advanced by the protagonists of the Taivan régime about the nature and future

intentions of the Government of the People's Republic of China have little bearing

on the issue of representation. If they are relevant at all, these arguments

would tend to support the case that the representative of the Feople's Republic

of Chine, rather than the representative of Formosa, should occupy China's seat

on the Security Council and other organa of the United Nations.

And, It is obvious

This is self-evident because it is the Goverment of the People's Republic

of Chink that is the effective govemment of the overwhelming majority of the

Chinese people. It is self-evident because it is the Government of the

People's Republic of China that is a great nuclear Fower,

therefore that apart from any considerations of basic principle, it is neither

practical nor prudent for the United Nations to maintain the fiction that China is represented at the United Nations by Taiwan,

·

A/PV.1609

41

(Mr. Fakhreddine, Sudan)

The United Nations has been faced since 1965 with a situation which has

demonstrated the absurdity of that position, as, pursuant to resolution 2030 (XXX),

Organization has to convene a world disarmament conference to which all

countries would be invited. It is well known that such a conference, without

the participation of the People's Republic of China, would be ineffective.

But the People's Republic of China has rightfully indicated that it is

unlikely that it would participate in such a conference, on sufferance, It has

made it clear that the United Nations should first rectify its position with regard to Chinese participation before asking for the participation of the Government of the People's Republic of China. That is, of course, the only logical position for China, and it should alert those who have resisted the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China to the

dangers of their attitude,

-

It should be obvious that the most pressing problem that is now facing the world the problem of disarmament cannot be resolved without the

participation of the People's Republic of China. However, the People's Republic of China is not knocking at the door of the United Nations asking for admission. Sooner or later this anomalous position of its representation will have to be rectified in the light of the realities of our present vorld. The question of the admission of the People's Republic of China cannot for ever be ignored,

It is in this fire conviction that the Suden has co-sponsored draft resolution A/L.531 calling for the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China and for the recognition of its representatives as the

only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations.

In that draft resolution we are taking cognizance of the realities of the situation, as well as being true to the principles of the United Nations,

It is our fervent hope that others who value these principles will do

Mr. SOLANO LOPEZ (Paraguay) (interpretation from Spanish): In the ourse of the many sessions of the General Assembly when the question of the representation of Chins in the United Nations has been broached, ay delegation has very clearly and unequivocally sade known its views and the reasons on which they are based. By the same token, this session we might simply limit ourselves to voting on each of the three draft resolutions submitted to the plenary for

MP/rje

A/PV.1609

42

MP/rjo

(Mr. Solano Lopez, Faraguay)

A/PV.1609

43

(Mr. Solano Lopez, Paraguay

consideration, trusting that our views have been sufficiently explained and

understood by all. However, the question with which we are dealing is one of

those in which there are at stake problems of a political and legal nature

which must be very carefully examined in the light of the provisions of the

Charter, since the decision of the Assembly might determine whether those are

repeated or reaffirmed, or whether we sacrifice the essential tenets of that

instrument,* In these circumstances there is a sort of moral obligation to stress

the ressons for which each State acts as it does, even at the risk of repeating

what has already been said.

As far as the substance of the question before us is concerned, we expect

the General Assembly to pronounce itself on two proposals which, although sade

simultaneously, are extremely different,

One of those - ta set forth in draft resolution A/L. 531 would have the General Assembly decide "to restore all its rights to the People's Republic of

Chira and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only lawful

representatives of Chine in the United Nations".

The second proposal would call for the immediate expulsion of the

representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy

at the thited Nations and in all the organizations related to it.

Let us consider the second of those two proposals. The Republic of China

ia " Founding Member of the United Nations whose name is mentioned in

Article 23 of the Charter and which is thereby & perennent member of the Security

Council. Its behaviour in our Organization has been, and continues to be,

exemplary. It has proved to be a good, true and loyal Member that has fulfilled the obligations imposed upon it by the Charter. Particularly in the light of the principle of living in peace with other countries as a good neighbour, contributing to the efforts at maintaining intamational pesce and security,

tradition of the Republic of China is most praiseworthy.

Aware of these reasons, the Government of the Republic of China which lạ represented in this Assembly is the only one recognized by the majority of Member States of the United Nations, my Government included.

Mr. El-Parra (Jordan), Vice-President, took the Chair,

+

H

Nothing in the international conduct of the Republic of China, either in the past or in the present, can in any way justify the request for its expulsion. delegation has opposed all such efforts in the past, opposes them now, and

vill be firmly opposed to them in the future.

Let us briefly examine the proposal to admit the People's Republic

of Chire to our Organization. Let us recall, first and foremost, that it 1s the same People's Republic of China which refused to recognize the principles

which were solemly established in the Charter to create an order of international peace and security based on peaceful coexistence. It is that self-sane China whose recent history proves beyond a doubt that its international conduct is characterized by notorious acts of aggression,

domination and that in its controversies with other States is substituting for

negotiations the use or threat of farce. It is obvious that the provision of the Charter mean absolutely nothing to the People's Republic of China,

since it is not a Member of the United Nations; but it is also true that the

request for its inclusion in our Organization, or the desire to see it become a Member of our Organization, le contrary to the very essence of the principles

underlying the Charter,

To support auch an endeavour, moreover, it is alleged that the United Nations must be given greater universality. That is an aspiration shared by

all Members, But to consider it in its true light it is imperative that in the present case we consider the applicability of that principle in the light of the constitutional provisions, and particularly in the light of the third

and fourth paragraphs of Article 2 of the Charter,

In view of the international conduct of the People's Republic of China,

to which I have already referred, its presence in the United Nations could be

accepted only at the sacrifice of those provisions -- that is, by shattering and flouting the principles on which the United Nations rests. My country = not ready to pay such a price for the universality of our Organization,

With those words I reiterate once again the position of Paraguay regarding

the question before us. Based on such considerations, our position on the three draft resolutions submitted to the Assembly will be the following when

we come to the voting.

MP/TJE

A/FV.1609

44-45

PKB/ids

(Mr. Solano Lopez. Paraguay

We will vote against the draft resolution co-sponsored by Albania, Algeria and other States, contained in domment A/L.531. We will vote in favour of the draft resolution presented by Australia, Belgium, Bolivia and other countries, in document A/L,532, because it meets the views of my delegation regarding the majority required for decisions to be taken on the question of China, and that such decisions have legal validity.

With regard to the third draft resolution, presented by Belgium, Chile, Italy and other countries, contained in document A/L.533, even though ve

understand the good intentions that led its co-sponsors to submit it to the Assembly, we will not be able to support it, nor will we abstain on it in the

voting.

+

A/PT.1609

46

Mг, AMERASINGHE (Ceylon): We are reaching the end of the ritual which is solemnly antcted every year over the question of the representation

China in the United Nations. We have the same three draft resolutions, with hdly any changes of substance, before us: the draft resolution A/L.531, moved by Albania, calling for the restoration of their lawful rights to the People's Republic of China and their representatives and the consequential expulsion of Chiang Kai-shek's representatives from the seat which they unlawfully occupy; draft resolution A/L.532 moved by australia, seeking a reaffirmation of a previous decision that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question; and draft resolution A/L.533 moved by Italy, calling for the appointment of a committee to study the question in all its aspects.

No fresh arguments have been advanced in support of or against any of the resolutions, with the exception that the events and incidents of the cultural revolution in the People's Republic of China have been cited by certain representatives as justifying their doubts in regard to the affectiveness and legitimacy of the Government of the People's Republic of China. It might appear superfluous and even futile to participate in a discussion the outcome of which is a foregone conclusion, but it is a duty we owe ourselves and the Organization itself, to state our position in the hope, forlorn perhaps and even presumptuous, that we may be able to influence a few who are fortunate enough to be immune from prejudice and fear as well as from the restraints that dependence imposes. It is to those unbiased few that our remarks are mainly addressed.

To take the Australian draft resolution first: its first preambular paragraph sppears to enunciate a self-evident proposition, namely, that any question relating to the United Nations shall be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter. We could not agree more with our Australian friends that a question of Charter interpretation should be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of the Chartar. Indeed, we have dona precisely that in our consideration of the China Lamus. But our reading of those same purposes and principles, which anbody such impeccable and sublime concepts as the development of friendly relations mong nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the strengthening of universal peace and the achievement of international law and

!

FKB/idm

A/PV.1609

47

PKB/ids

A/FV.1609 48-50

(Mr. Amerasinghe, Ceylon)

Justice demand that this Organization recognize the representatives of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of the peoples

of China.

It is not necessary, as the Australian resolution suggests, to make a specific decision that this rule should apply to the settlement of conflicting claima fres more than me authority to be the Government entitled to represent a Member

State in the United Nations. The norms and criteria generally recognized as

governing the determination of the question as to which of two rival authorities is the legal Government of a country, should be applied in this instance too, as they alone constitute the nearest to what may be regarded as the international law on the subject. Any considerations which seek to vary these norma and criteria according to the convenience of an individual State or according to the circunstances of any particular situation can have no standing whatsoever in the reals of international law.

The recommendation contained in Assembly resolution 396 (v) of 14 December 1950 was an attempt to introduce a new rule in place of the existing rule, sa the application of the existing rule did not fit in with the policies of a major Power and its supporters. They were not prepared to accept the reality and truth of the revolution that brought into being the People's Republic of China and which drove the former ruler of China to seek refuge on an offshore island, part of the territory of the Government of China, which he converted into a fortress with the aid of a mighty Power, with the declared purpose of regaining control of his former territory. The peoples of China had decisivaly exercised their right to self-detemination by the only means known to peoples who are victims of misrule. More than thirty years earlier another revolution had occurred and on that occasim too, efforts vere made to reverse the tide of events and the verdict of the people but there was in that case no offshore island or territory conveniantly located on which the Russian émigrés could muster and regroup their forces with

foreign big Power assistance.

The Australian resolution and the recommendation it recalls would, we regret to say, debase international law and practics and alter it to subserve narrow sectional interests as against the universal interest which the purposes and principles of the United Nations are intended to secure and promote. What

(Mr. Amerasinghe, Ceylon)

--

we are discussing here is not whether the State of China is a Member of this

*nization a fact which cannot seriously be disputed but whether or not the legitimate Government of that country should be permitted to exercise its right to be represented in the Organization. That the Government of the People's Republic of China, the legitimate successor Government of the State of China, miật be so permitted to exercise its rights, seems to us self-evident. Unfortunately, over the years, this Assembly has been treated to demonstrations of sterile sophistry concerning such astters as whether the question is one of substance

or procedure, whether or not it should be treated as an important question within the meaning of Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter, and the like, all of which were, in our view, manifestly self-serving, unrealistic and quite irrelevant.

Individual Members may be disposed to treat the question as one of substance because they prefer the company of the Taiyan group to that of the people of China as represented by the Government whose writ runs in that vert expanse of territory referred to as the mainland of China, Such Members seek to justify their atand by referring to the People's Republic of China as an entity separate and distinct from Taiwan. By doing so they have destroyed the very foundation of their thesis. Had they at least continued to pretend and to delude themselves and others of the same persuasion into believing that Chiang Kai-shek and his Government were the offective Government of all the territory known as China and embracing the mainland of China and the island of Formosa (Taiwan), they would have been entitled to some respect for their consistency and persistence. However, at the same time as they invoke the purposes and principles of the Charter they display an utter contempt for the very provisions of that Charter. They ignore the provisions of Article 3 relating to original membership in accordance with which the State of China, having participated in the United Nations Conference at San Francisco, became a founding Member of the United Nations. champions of the purposes and principles of the Charter

--

But these

some of whom agpanz

trest

to claim exclusive access to reason, logic and intellectual integrity the State of China and Chiang Kai-shek'■ Government as synonymous tarms, recalling that celebrated French monarch who suffered from a similar hallucination.

ET/ ep

A/PT.1609

51

(Hr. Amerasinghe, Ceylon)

ET/ep

A/PV.1609

$2

If ve are agreed that what we have to consider is the Goverment of that entity known sa the State of China, which was in contemplation when the provisions of Article 3 of the Charter vare drafted, we should not be captivated by the engaging and almost bewitching subtlety of the argument underlying the Australian draft resolution. It could well provide the material for the emergence of a modern school of sophiste. By the same token, the statistical

data cited by the supporters of the Chiang Kai-shek group are totally irrelevant, The right of representation here does not depend on questions of population and per capita income. A clafs that needs the support of such feehle arguments

could not have such substance,

The Australien draft resolution recalls and reaffimas General Assembly resolution 1668 (XVI) of 15 December 1961 to the effect that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question requiring a two thirda majority of those present and voting. The history of this aspect of the problem is a sad commentary on the irresponsible manipulation of the provisions of the Charter to thwart its lawful application and circumvent vell-recognized norms for determining the identity of the legal goverment of a country. I submit that a constitutional device which has been created by lawmakers to prevent the abuse of power by a group which conends a bare majority in an elected parliament, especsilly a majority which, owing to one of those inherent eccentricities and contradictions of democratic procedures and practice, might not be representative of a cajority of the people which returned it to power, is being perverted into a means for the perpetuation of the most grotesque incongruity and the gravest injustice in the annals of the United Nations. It exposes a monumental arcealy in the Charter in that it establishes the absolute supremacy of a simple majority by failing to make explicit and

exhaustive the scope of application of the two thirds majority rule. Article 18 (3) brings out the essentially negative character of what should have been a purely positive provision. We could demonstrate this aspect of the metter by proposing that the Australian draft resolution itself be treated as an important question requiring a two thirds majority for its adoption, If we secured a simple majority for such a proposal we should be ensuring the defeat of the draft resolution. Admittedly, a simple majority for the proposal, if obtainable, could

Mr. Amerasinghe, Ceylon)

We feel that the draft

be available also to defeat the draft resolution.

resolution itself should be subjected to the test of importance that it prescribes

the proposal to change the representation of China.

By far the most objectionable feature of the Australian draft resolution is

that it is tantamount to a revision of the Charter without the requirement of

a two thirds majority.

I should like now to make a few observations regarding the Italian draft

resolution. There is no doubt that the sponsors of that draft resolution and

those who are in sympathy with it are assailed by qualas of conscience and honestly seek a means of resolving their doubts and escaping from their dile It would appear that they realize that if international co-operation is to be a reality and if the concept of universal peace is to be pursued genuinely such aims and objectives are not reconcilable with the ostracim and isolation without, of course, containment of the largest State in the world. In sixteen years of debate not a single aspect of this question has escaped attention. No smount of examination by any committee can produce a solution if it starts on the premise that there are two different governments of the State of China and if its main purpose is to confer legality on the fugitive Chiang Kai-shek régime and to extract from the People's Republic of China, as the price of its

representation here, the remunciation of its clains to Taiwan, A nation of than 700 million people cannot be expected to subject itself to such a humiliation, There would be nothing left of the dignity and self-respect of the peoples of Asia

if they allowed themselves to be a party to such a settlement.

For

What we seek is not merely the proper representation of the People's Republic of China but the proper representation of Asia and its peoples. those fellow Asians who do not at the moment share that aspiration, this need. entail the abandonment of their present friendships but only a renewal of friendships on terms which could turn out to be more favourable to Asin as and to those nations outside the arms which wished to act in partnership with it.

This does not imply in the least that we contemplate the creation of two Chines.

Therefore, what we need today is a vote of Astana for Asians ** a vote for the

Albanian resolution, which we are confident will be a vote for the ultimate

objective of international harmony and peace.

ET/Op

4/PV, 1609

53-55

(Mr. Agorasinghe, Geylon)

Among those who are opposed to the Albanian resolution is a powerful nation whose people are known and respected for their natural greatness of heart and spirit. He believe that that greatness of heart and spirit can find its full expression only when it has freed itself from the fetters of what it conceives to be the obligations of power. A heavy responsibility rests with the United States, but to discharge that responsibility it needs the sasistence of its Asian allies. We hope that that assistance will be fortheozing, if not today

at least when next we meet,

In conclusion, I should like to observe that ve night move more speedily towards a solution of this problem if we woke up to the realization of the fact that it is not the People's Republic of China that needs the United Nations but rather the United Nations that needs the People's Republic of China,

Mг. MONTENEGRO MEDRANO (Nicarague) (interpretation from Spanish): This as in many previous years, the General Assembly is considering the question of the admission of the People's Republic of China which has been put before it by various delegations by means of draft resolution A/L.531 and Add.1.

Once again

that highly important question is receiving our attention.

Once again,

throughout long days, we have listened to statemente from this rostrum by many delegations explaining their points of view and their arguments in favour of these texts. Once again there has been an emmeration of the reasons which have led the unofficial supporters of the People's Republic of China to initiate proposals for its admission, as well as the replies of their opponents, which must undoubtedly leed us to the conviction that ve are confronted with sn important question which vill have undeniable repercussions throughout the world and on the very structure of this Organization, and to which the provision of Article 18 (2) of the Charter, that such a decision requires a two thirds aajority

for adoption, aust be applied.

The delegation of Nicaragua, interpreting the letter and the spirit of the Charter, has co-sponsored draft resolution A/L. 532 and Add.1, which confirms the continued validity of the decision taken by the General Asscmbly that any proposal for changing the representation of China is an important question which has to be decided by a two thirds mejority, in accordance with previous resolutions of the General Assembly dated 15 December 1961 (1668 (XVI)), 17 November 1965 (2025 (xx)) and 29 November 1966 (2159 (XXI)).

EMH/nl-j

A/PV.1609

56

(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,

Nicaragua

The background and Jurisprudence of this subject must, because of the importance of the body that has established it, remain valid, The provisions that have been sited, particularly paragraph 2 of Article 18 of the Charter, are perfectly clear, Supecially since the Albanian draft proposes the admission of a new Mégher and the expulsion of another, The position of Nicaragua has remained unchanged in the consideration of this subject, because we believe that the motives and the circumstances surrounding our views remain the salė,

What is being proposed is that the United Nations should admit a nation which has not expressed its will or intention to be a Member of the Organization but which, on the contrary, has repudiated the existence of the Organization and advocated its disappearance and its replacement by another of a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary type, We are speaking of a system which is characterized by its violence in international relations, which refuses to recognize that conflicts must be resolved by peaceful means and which has resorted to intimidation and force against the territorial integrity and political independence of other States, all in open contradiction to the principles of the Charter and of the Organization,

The Albanian draft calls not only for the admission of a very powerful nation which possesses great military and nuclear strength and constantly threatens International peace and security but also for the immediate expulsion of a founding Hamber of the United Nations, a permanent member of the Security Council, a nation which has scrupulously fulfilled its obligations and co-operated efficiently with the Organization in the implementation of its decisions and

resolutions,

The delegation of Nicaragua agrees that our Organization should be universal, However, we cannot agree that to preserve such a principle ve should violate the Charter and shatter its principles, nor that we should admit a State which has given no proof that it vishes to abide by the jurisdiction of the Organization or to

adjust its conduct in keeping with the traditions of peaceful coexistence. would we support or vote in favour of the injustice of the expulsion of a Member State like the Republic of China which has been exemplary in its respect for

Nor

and collaboration with the United Nations in the fulfilment of its duties and

purposes.

HR/12-J

A/PV.1609

57

EMH/T1-J

(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,

Nicaragua)

A/PV.1609 58-60

(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,

Nicaragua)

There is a consensus that this is an important question and that it has priority over other draft resolutions that we are considering. Obviously neither the Albanian draft nor that submitted by Italy and other delegations car possibly challenge my statement, nor do they advocate or ask that this matter be solved by a staple majority vote. That is obvious, because first a method or procedure of voting must be adopted to enable us to know how many votes ara

necessary for the resolution to be adopted, We deplore the fact that mainland

China, because of its conduct, because the spokesmen of its Government have said, is not worthy to be a Member of the United Nations, since of its own volition it has excluded itself.

of

We do not want, either, the absurd and scandalous situation to occur that If the People's Republic of China were admitted it should be allowed to brag and boast that it was not ready to enter our Organization and that it bad

not applied for membership.

We do not deny that the draft resolution in document A/L.533 is imbued with best of purposes and would appear to propose a compromise formula for this thorny problem, but, aware of all the elements and all that has been said during the many years that we have discussed the subject, deeply aware of the position of intransigence of the official spokemen for mainland China and the refusal of that country to be a member of our Organization, we believe that such conciliatory gesture would lead nowhere and the healthy intentions of its Co-sponsors would be wasted,

In our societies, those who do not adapt themselves to the legal and moral system of life of the majority are punished until there is a healthy cleansing of their personalities and their anti-social conduct is changed. At the international level in the world community we must adopt the same attitude towards those who show the same symptoms of being misfits when we deal with the norms governing

relations among States, We therefore continue to believe that mainland China, despite the number of inhabitants dominated by its Government, despite the size of its territory, despite its military and nuclear progress, does not deserve to Hember of our Organization, nor has it shown any readiness to be a Member,

We believe this because we contime to ascribe supremacy to the strength of law and no importance to the law of strength. We repeat that, as long as

Antransigent and unrealistic proposals are submitted to us, and the conduct of

mainland China remains unchanged, and delegations such as mine are offered no

alternative containing a viable, logical and humana solution to this important

question, then, in accordance with the principles, the spirit and the very

wording of the Charter, our delegation vill vote against such proposals.

THE PRESIDENT: We have now heard all the speakers in the debate on

this item,

The representative of China has expressed the desire to exercise his right

of reply, and I now call upon him,

Mr. LIU (China): Some of the statements made in the course of the

prosent debat cannot be allowed to pass unchallenged. The apologists of th communist Chinese régime have shown a remarkable capacity for distorting the facts

to suit their specious reasoning. They have painted for us a glowing picture of

Peiping which bears no rese-blance whatsoever to reality. Perhaps the most

significant thing about their statements is not what they have actually said but

what they have left unsaid, They bave, for example, auch to say about the

peaceful intentions of Peiping but little or nothing about the réginata record

of aggression and subversion. They are for ever telling us about the 700 million

people and their cultural heritage, but they have closed their eyes to the chaos

and tumsoil created by the Red Guarda, They are insistent that without the

participation of Peiping most of the problems now confronting the Organization would be incapable of solution, but they are silent about the régine's declared

intention to reform ** or rather destroy - the United Nations.

AP/20

A/PV.1609

61

AP/ICE

(Mr. Liu, China)

Strange as it may seem, the most sedant champions of the Chinese communist

cause in the United Nations are no longer members of the Soviet bloo. This is

because they, more than any other delegations in the Assembly, know by experience

that Peiping represents the greatest disruptive influence in the world today. The

prospect of having the Chinese communist régime admitted to the world Organization is, therefore, not one likely to gladden the hearts of those who are about to read

Peiping out of the communist camp for having torn saunder the international

communist movement.

For some years Cambodia has played a leading role in campaigning for the seating of Peiping. This year the representative of Cambodia again took liberty

with the truth by saying that Taivan is under United States military occupation.

Indeed, Taiwan is an integral part of China. It is one of China's provinces. My

Government, the only constitutional Government of China, is now based on that

Chinese province. And as the legitimate Government of Chips, my Government is

capable of articulating the wishes and aspirations of the Chinese people everywhere,

of speaking on their behalf, in their name as well as in their interests.

The Goverment of the Republic of China, like all free Governments, is free

to enter into alliances with any country it chooses. That, as we bave made it

clear time and again, is an exercise of its sovereign prerogative. We have no

apologies to make to anyone about the military and security arrangements we have

made with our allies in defence of freedom in our part of the world.

It was the Government of the Republic of China that participated in the

founding of the United Nations. The legal status of this Government has not

changed since then. There has been no break in the contimity of leadership or of policies. The fact that Mao Tse-tung and his gang are presently in occupation of

the mainland of China does not affect this legal status, The Government of the Republic of Chins alone has the right to represent the Chinese people in the world

community. That right cannot be taken away and given to a régine which owes its origin to foreign aggression.

A/PV.1609

62

(Mr. Liu, China)

The Assembly may recall what the Cambodian Chief of State, Prince Sihanouk, had

to say about the threat to his country posed by the Chinese communists. It is thus

¡fficult to imagine that Cambodia's championship of the Chinese communist cause in vie United Nations is rooted in the conviction that there are indeed "lawful rights"

to be "restored" to Peiping. It is perhaps nearer to the truth to say that it is

fear of Peiping rather than any abstract legal principle that has prompted Cambodia

to play the Chinese communist game.

What is true of Cambodia is equally true of some other Asian countries such as

Ceylon whose representative has just given us one of the most lengthy discourses in

this present debate. The statements made by the representatives of those countries

cannot be taken as the true voice of Asia, No one under the stress of fear can be

expected to speak freely and truthfully.

It is distressing to observe that countries which are now the targets of

Peiging's most menacing threats continue to spout platitudes about the advisability

of admitting Peiping. Burme, as we know, is one of the latest victims of Peiping's

aggressive policy. Yet the representative of Burns told us the other day that his Government would continue to vote for Peiping's admission. Judging by the contents

of his speech, it is difficult to believe that he really meant what he said. It is

even more difficult to believe that his statement reflected the true sentiments of

the Burmese people.

On the other hand, there are Asian countries notably Japan, the Philippines

and Thailand which are not afraid to say what they believe. They recognize the

danger posed by Peiping. But they do not believe that timidity and defeatim are

the answer to the threat. On the contrary, they are convinced that in meeting the

Chinese communist challenge there is no substitute for moral and physical strength.

Theirs is the true and authentic voice of the Asian peoples.

It is gratifying to note that recently there has been a perceptible change in

the attitude of those Asian countries which have hitherto been Peiping's most ardent supporters. The change has been gradual and slow, but it is none the less real. More than ever before, they have begun to question the soundness of their policies.

It seems that the business of championing the Chinese communist cause in the thḥited

Nations has not been a rewarding one for most of them.

AP/1

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63

AP/com

A/PV.1609 54-65

(Mr. Liu, China)

Albania has long been known as the "mouthpiece" of Peiping. It was our

expectation that the speech of the representative of Albania would be replete witę

the same tissue of fabrications, absurdities, distortions and slanders against

Government as he has been in the habit of weaving for a number of years. In this be has not disappointed us. But the main burden of his speech is not so much concerned with the question of the represectation of China as with what he has called the Counter-revolutionary unholy alliance between the United States and the Soviet Union. Inasmuch as Soviet revisionism is the target of his bitterest eks, I think it is

the Soviet delegation rather than mine that should reply to the representative of

Albania.

It seems to my delegation that there prevails a basic misconception about the

whole question of the representation of Chine in the United Nations.

misconception is shared avan by some of the delegations which have consistantly supported the rightful position of my delegation in the United Nations. That is the belief, or rather the mistaken belief, that Members of the Assembly are obliged

to find some sort of compromise solution to the so-called question of Chinese

representation. This has led the Italian Goverment, with which my Government saintains very friendly relations, to reintroduce the proposal (A/L.533) calling

for the creation of an ad hog committee to study and explore the situation.

For our part, we are opposed to the very idea of study and exploration. The

issues involved in the so-called question of Chinese representation are clear

enough. No study or exploration is required for their understanding. In fact, as

far as my Government is concerned, no such question exists. China's seat in the

United Nations has from the very beginning been occupied by the lawful

representative of the Chinese people; the Goverment of the Republic of Chine. No

other party can legitimately lay claim to it. Indeed, no one has laid clain to it.

The whole debate has thus an air of unreality about it. It is certainly not the

Chinese people who have naked Albania, Cambodia or my other country to call into question my Government's rightful position in the United Nations. It is Albania, Cambodia and their friends which have arrogated to themselves the right to speak for the Chinese people. The Chinese people, wherever they can be haard, categorically repudiate such arrogation.

(Mr. Liu, China)

The representative of Italy, in introducing draft resolution A/L.533, said that had based his proposal on the principle of universality. My delegation has had occasion to state our views on this much-invoked and much-abused principle. It is a matter of record that the United Nations via never intended to be a universal. organization. The concept of universality was discussed at length at San Francisco, but it failed to find its way into the Charter. It may be that universality is a

goal towards which the United Nations should move. But there is no question that the principles of the Charter must take precedence over the idea of universality. However that may be, it is our contention that the principle of universality does not even arise in this connexion. It is misleading to argue that just because the Chinese communists are not seated, the 700 million people on the mainland of China are not represented in the United Nations. The fact is that they have been properly represented in the true sense by the Government of the Republic of China since 1945. Only the Goverment of the Republic of China can speak for the Chinese people and give expression to their true wishes and aspirations. Only the Government of the Republic of Chins can bring to bear on the deliberations of this body the genuine feelings and views of the Chinese people. Had it not been for this Government, the woes and sufferings of the oppressed millions on the mainland of China would not have been heard in these halls.

1

AW/en

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(

AW/eh

A/PV.1609

67

(Mr. Sani, Indonesia)

No issue on the agenda of the Assembly is so fraught with fateful conséqueness for the Chinese people, for world peace, and for the future of the United Nations itself, as the so-called question of the representation of China. Never has the Organization had so much to lose by adding to ite asmbership a régime which is totally committed to its destruction. I BE confident that the Albanien draft resolution (A/L.531) will be rejected by a decisive majority. I have explained why the Italian draft resolution (A/L.533) is not acceptable to my delegation and I hope the Assembly will view it in the same light. My delegation, however, urges the adoption of draft resolution A/2.532 which asks the Assembly to reaffirm its previous decision that, in secordance with Article 18 of the Charter, any proposal

to change the representation of Chins requires a two-thirds majority.

The PRESIDENT: I shall now give the floor to the representatives

wish to mplain their votes before the vote.

Mr. SANI (Indonesia): The Indonesian delegation would like to make

the following statement in explanation of its vote on the question of the

representation of China in the United Nations.

Leat year, Indonesia voted in favour of the representation of the People's

Republic of China in the United Nations. Indonesia maintained its position

in spite of the evidence of the involveumt of the Government of the People's Republic of China in the abortive coup d'état of October 1965, and in spite

of the increasingly hostile attitude of that Government towarda Indonesia..

During the past year, the Goverment of the People's Republic of China has continued its open enmity toward the Government and people of Indonesia,

which it has constantly attacked and provoked through its radio broadcasts, its newspapers and other publications.

Fugitives of the group involved in the abortive coup are being given

refuge in China. They are being assisted by the Government of the People's

Republic of China to continue their subversive activities against the

Government and the people of Indonesia. The Peking Government, through every means at its disposal, has continuously and systematically incited

the banned Peking-oriented Communist Party of Indonesia to commit subversive god rebellious activities detrimental to the successful implementation of 6. new Government's programme of achieving economic stability and rehabilitation, and harmful to our national security. In these subversive activities the Goverment of the People's Republic of Chine, through its Embassy in Djakarta, has made use of the large overseas Chinese commity living in Indonesia. It is clear that the Indonesian Government and people cannot remain passive in the face of provocations, insulta and subversive activities endengaring their national integrity and security. The Indonesian Government must take adequate measures to safeguard its national interest.

It may be recalled that as a result of the colonial system of the past the indigenous Indonesian siddle class of traders and middlegen has been eliminated. In its place came the Chinese vho, making good use of their

In the end they occupied privileged position, became increasingly strong.

an important position in the nation's economic life, which the Government of the People's Republic of China is now trying to use as an instrument for its subversive activities and its direct interference in the internal affairs of Indonesia. This created a feeling of indignation among the Indonesian people which manifested itself in demonstrations against the Chinese Embassy

in Djakarta.

Demonstrations have been followed by counter-demonstrations. There is one very marked difference, however, between demonstrations in Djakarta and those in Peking. In Djakarta, the Indonesian Government has always fulfilled its obligations to protect the Chinese Embassy and its personnel, while in Peking, on the other hand, the demonstrations vere organized and carried out with the full knowledge and complicity of the Government of the People's Republic of China. This allowed the Indonesian Embassy in Peking to be subjected, in early August of this year, to five consecutive days and nights of demonstrations which ended in the burning of the Embassy itself with all its contents, documents, office furniture, cars and personal belongings of the Embassy staff, vithout the Chinese Government doing anything about it.

AW/eh

A/PV.1609

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AW/eh

A/PV,1609 69-70

(My. Sani, Indonesia)

(Hr. Sani, Indonesia)

When Indonesia declared some members of the Chinese Embassy in Djakarta persona non gratą, because of their open interference in our internal affairs, these Chinese diplomats were accorded the necessary protection so that they could leave Indonesia unhindered and unsolested. But when in reprisal Indonesian diplomats were declared persoņa non grata by the Government of the People's Republic of China, they, along with their wives and children, were abused, insulted, and manhandled when they vere leaving China. This,

As this kind of of course, erested a strong popular reaction in Indonesia. irresponsible behaviour by the Government of the People's Republic of China has been experienced by other nations here present, I will limit myself to stating these gross violations against established practice in international relations without further elaboration.

When

As a result of the complete destruction of the Indonesian Embassy In Peking, the mission was no longer in a position to fulfil its duties. Indonesia's repeated demands for adequate facilities for its Babassy to the perform its minimum duties vere rejected by the Chinese Government, Indonesian Government decided to withdraw its personnel, from China. When permission for these personnel to leave China vas not granted by the Goverment of the People's Republic of China, the Indonesian Government informed the Chinese Government on 23 October 1967 that, in conformity with its earlier decision to evacuate all Indonesian Embassy personnel from Peking, all Chinese Embassy and consular personnel were to be recalled from Indonesia. Since 31 October 1967 there has no longer been an Indonesian diplomatic mission in China noe a Chinese diplomatic mission in Indonesia.

Hy delegation considers it necessary to give this brief explanation of the deteriorating bilateral relations between Indonesia and the Government of the People's Republic of China during the past year with the hope that the position of sy delegation on the question of the representation of China in the United Nations will be better understood.

P

The facts I have just mentioned make the question of the representation of thing of great importance to Indonesia. The position of China in world

kirs and especially its role in South East Asia underlines this importance; The gravity of this issue to the United Nations is also evident by the fact that the People's Republic of China has become one of the world's nuclear Powers. The question of the representation of the People's Republic of China has increased in importance not only to Indonesia but to the United Nations as vell. My delegation vill maintain ita position of last year by casting its vote in favour of draft resolution A/L.532.

DR/ap

A/FV.1609

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DR/SP

A/PV.1609

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(Mr. Sani, Indonesia)

(Mr. Sani. Indonesia)

Mery delegations have stated their views for or against the seating of

We have followed them the People's Republic of Chine in the United Nations. with the ame great Interest that ve have in the past sixteen or seventeen years. My delegation therefore does not think that it is really necessary for this Assembly to make a special study of the matter.

As for the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, it will continue to uphold the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations. Indonesia remains dedicated to the lofty purposes and principles of this Organization. In the words of my Foreign Minister in his address to the General Assembly in September of this year:

"Each new session...brings with it a new opportunity to demonstrate again our commitment to the ideals...and principles of the Charter." (1572nd meeting, p. 36)

Indonesia, committed as it is to these ideals and principles of the United Nations, vill always oc-operate to further the cause of peace and security In the world and in South-East Asia in particular. We in Indonesia are facing

■ difficult struggle to achieve economic rehabilitation and development; the recent actions of the People's Republic of China, both overt and covert, are directed against our efforts. Indonesia and the other countries in South-east Asia need peace, real peace, for the successful implementation of their economic and development programes. That is one of the reasons why Indonesia wants China to become a responsible Member of this international body and also

It is the view why it wants to see a pesceful solution to the war in Viet-Nan, of my delegation that many of the obstacles to peace could be reduced if the People's Republic of China were represented in the United Nations and thus in a position to be confronted openly and directly with organized world opinion and exposed to a responsible dialogue with it.

Because of this, and in spite of the deteriorating bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China and in spite of the fact that the Chinese Government by its subversive activities and hostile attitude continuse to interfere in our internal affairs, Indonesia vill rensin dedicated to the principles of the United Nations. Indonesia will continue to support the roke of the United Nations as a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations

for peace and progress, even in the face of increasing doubts as to whether the Goverment of the People's Republic of China really and sincerely desires to

e represented in the United Nations and is indeed willing to uphold the

Indonesia's basic considerations purposes and principles of the Charter,

as to the question of the representation of China in the United Nations has not changed, notwithstanding the state of our bilateral relations with the Government of the People's Republic of China.

My delegation therefore does not object to the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and will cast its vote in favour of draft resolution A/L.531.

Mr. VAKIL (Iran) (interpretation from French): Once again we have before us a number of draft resolutions concerning the difficult problem of the admission of the People's Republic of China, At the outset, I must say that we think, in conformity with the principle of universality which

at the very basis of our organization, that this country should be represented

in the United Nations.

However, the question is not as simple as it would appear at first sight. If my delegation abstained in the last two years both from taking part in the debate and from voting, it was because ve felt that the problem of the admission of the People's Republic of China vas not placed in its proper context. This year ve have decided to speak out clearly in the hope of being able to contribute to the clarification of this problem.

The first question posed to us is one of procedure, that is, to decide whether or not this is an important question. How can it be said that this is merely a change of régiae in a country and that a choice must be made between the Governments which clain to represent the Chinese people? But that is precisely the whole difficulty of

There are, on the probles. the one hand, more than 700 million people who have set up a Government and who have a perfect right to be heard in our Organization. On the other hand, there are more than 12 million people organized under the Government which is represented here. To claim that this is a simple problem would be contrary to reality. If we seriously wish the People's Republic of China

DR/OP

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DR/ap

(Mr. Vakil. Iran)

A/PV.1609

74-75

(Mr. Cole, Sierra Leone)

J

to participate in our work, ve must recognize the reality that this is an important question. Thus, it is in order to place the problem in its proper context that we propose to vote on this point.

Once this preliminary question has been settled, we will then be called upon to decide on the substance, that is to say, on the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations. In this respect, I wish to repeat that we are completely in favour of the admission of the People's Republic of China although we do not maintain diplomatic relations with that We are of the opinion that it is inconceivable that the objectives of the United Nations, particularly general disarmament and the control of nuclear armament, can be achieved without the participation of the People's

Republic of China.

+

If the adadasion of this country did not have as a counterpart in the draft resolution before us the expulsion of the Government of the Republic of Chine, with which ve maintain diplomatic relations, we would have voted in favour of it. However, that is not the case. Consequently, we cannot adult in the very name of the principle of universality that Taivan should be denied the right to be represented here as much as all other Members of the Organization, and that it why we cannot register the positive vote we would have vished to cast for this draft resolution. We can only abstain on it,

Mr. COLE (31erra Leone): My Government's stand on the "question

of the Restoration of the Lawful Rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations" was clearly stated during the general debate in this Assembly on 29 September 1967, in the following terms:

"At this stage, we must again record our conviction that no otiation on disazaement can hope to succeed when one of the world's muclear Powers, representing a quarter of the earth's population, is systematically denied representation in the Organization which bears the sacred responsibility for preserving peace, We therefore urge that

every effort be made to bring the People's Republic of China into the United Nations here ve believe its vast resources can be utilized in

the cause of peace. At the same tine my Government will not support any steps taken toward the expulsion of the Republic of China". (1574th meeting, PP. 18-20)

That being the case, my delegation finds the proposels contained in document A/1.531 unacceptable because they embody the proposal

"

...to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek

from...the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it".

My delegation will therefore vote against it,

TL/rja

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(Mr. Cole, Sierra Leone)

+

TL/TJE

A/P7.1609

77

(Hr. Cole, Sierra Leone)

My Government seriously believes that the isolation of the People's Republic of China wight lead to serious consequences. There is the stark reality that continued isolation might daily force the People's Republic of China to continue to build for itself a nighty fortress of muclear power.

He There is unanimity in this Organization on the objectives of disarmament. all agree that disarmament can be fully achieved only under an agreement entered into voluntarily and in good faith by all States whose participation would be necessary to make such an arrangement effective. We also agree that national armaments should be reduced to the level of police forces necessary to keep internal order, and that there should be an internationally administered armed force stranger than any combination of national forces that might be aligned against it. We further agree that disarmament, to be effective, must be accompanied by the creation of a peace-keeping and dispute-settling system with at least the minimal, Amount of lay and organization necessary to prevent large-

scale, organized, armed conflict song States.

How then, I ask, can these objectives be achieved if we continue without proper and thorough investigation to allow practically one-fourth of the world's population, fully armed, to be outside the United Nations influence? This certainly does not add to the security of the world.

My delegation is in no position at present to condemn any side until the full facts have been determined. We feel that this august body has a sscrosanct right to the fullest enquiry and information possible on this very complex and difficult question. In our view, the place of the Republic of China in the thited Nations has been filled by its representatives with distinction → representatives who have done their duty well and against whom there is no serious ground for complaint. My country enjoys the most friendly relations with the Republic of China, It is my delegation's belief, however, that it is essential not only to bring the United Nations to China but also to bring China to the United Nations. Every effort should therefore be made

-

to find ways and means to rise above our present difficulties and to engage in an urgent search for a solution that will ensure to all concerned justice in accordance with the terms of our Charter,

My delegation considers such a course to be well defined in the Italian roposals contained in document A/L.533. They express our determination to make reality of our approach to the problem. My delegation will therefore vote

for that draft resolution.

As regards the proposals contained in document A/L.532/Add.1, my delegation considers the question on important one within the ambit of Article 18, paragraph 2, of our Charter and will accordingly vote in favour of it as well,

Mr, WONG (Singapore): Before voting on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. I should like to state briefly the position of my delegation with regard to the draft resolutions now before this Assembly, and particularly the draft resolutions contained in documents A/L.531 and A/L.533.

The question now before the Assembly has been debated for almost twenty years. Nothing that has been said has deflected us from the view that this Organization cannot go on ignoring the inherent rights of 750 million people, one-fifth of the human race, to be represented in this world body. Last year when this august Assembly was called upon to decide on the question of the representation of the People's Republic of China, we stated in unequivocal terms that the delegation of Singapore supported fully the seating of the People's Republic of China in this Organization.

With regard to draft resolution A/L,531, popularly referred to as the "Albanian draft resolution", on the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, we should like to state our views.

The preambular part has our full support; that is to say, recalling the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, we consider, first, that the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China is essential both for the protection of the Charter of the United Nations and for the cause that the United Nations must serve under the Charter; and second, we recognize that the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of Chine

If the are the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations, pressbular paragraphs are voted on separately, we shall cast an affirmative vote.

Th/rja

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(Mr. Wong, Singapore)

As regards the operative paragraph, our voting position would be the same As it was last year. Let me repeat our explanation made before this Assembly

almost exactly a year ago. We then stated:

"The first part of the operative paragraph deals with the restoration of all rights to the People's Republic of China and the recognition of

... the representatives of its Government as the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations.... (A/L496)

We fully support this and, if it is voted upon separately, we shall vote

"Coming to the second part of the operative paragraph, we carmot but feel that the question is hypothetical at this stage and should arise only after the first part has been adopted and implemented. Before this Assembly even considers the steps to be taken, as the second part of the operative paragraph would suggest, my delegation considers it necessary that the first hurdle should be cleared and cleared conclusively. My delegation therefore considers that voting on the second part of the operative paragraph at this stage is largely hypothetical and, essentially, a consequential matter depending upon the implementation of the first part, (1480th meeting. page 48)

Ás such, my delegation finde itself unable to support the operative paragraph sa a whole. If it is voted upon separately, ve vill abstain. If the draft resolution is voted upon as a whole, we will abstain for the reasons stated,

As regards draft resolution A/L, 533, calling for the General Assembly to appoint a committee of Member States to study the question of the representation of China with a view to making appropriate recomendations to the next session of the General Assembly, my dalagation is of the opinion that, as we have deliberated on the subject for almost twenty years, the appointment of such a

committee will not contribute to the solution of the difficulties confrunting this Assembly but will only add more confusion to a problem on which all nations. for their own separate and diverse reasons, have already taken their positions. Until Member States change their traditional positions on this question, the question vill remain intractable. For this reason, we shall not support draft resolution A/1.533.

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A/P7.1609 79-80

(Mr. Wong, Singapore)

As regards draft resolution A/L.532/Add.1, which calls upon the General Assembly to reaffirm its decision that the question of the representation of

ina is an important question, our position will be guided by the views we have just stated,

*PT/SHH

A/PV.1609

81

Mr. GHAUS (Afghanistan): Mr. President, may I with your leave explain very briefly the vote of my delegation regarding the three draft resolutions presently under consideration.

Once again the question of the representation of China in the United Nations is being discussed in this Assembly. It is the question of the representation of a founding Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council. It is rather disappointing to note that after so many years we are still listening to speeches in the general debate the authors of which have

not yet made the obvious distinction between the admission of China and its

representation. It is our earnest hope that this Assembly may very soon

deliberate and act upon this basic point apart from all irrelevant considerations

so that its discussions on this clear and obvious issue may be free from all

confusion.

As we have stated in the past, our greatest concern in this case is the Interest of the Chinese people and the interest of the United Nations.

Our support for the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of

China as the legitimate representatives of the Chinese people is not based

merely on Afghanistan's recognition of the Government of that country. For, in fact, our recognition has evolved from our knowledge, as a neighbouring country, that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate Governant of China anjoying the support of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people.

We have never based our arguments regarding this question on considerations of population, territory, or the status of the People's Republic of China as a

great, and now, a nuclear Power. Our judgement relies solely upon the fact that the Goverment of the People's Republic of China is the Government of the majority of the Chinese people.

In all cases we have supported the principle of the universality of the United Nations. The absence of the representatives of the majority of th Chinese people in, as we bave said before, a glaring deviation from this

concept.

Although we understand that political differences exist between certain countries and the People's Republic of China, we do not believe that the existence of such differences is grounds for the exclusion of the legitimate representatives

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(Mr. Ghaus, Afghanistan)

of a people from this Organization. The acceptance of such a policy will definitely have serious consequences for the United Nations itself.

Moreover, among those countries which have political differences with the Goverment of the People's Republic of China there are some which, through their wisdon, have understood that it is a fumetion of this Organization to serve as a centre for harmonizing differences. With that awareness, they have

not objected to the representation of the Government of the People's Republic of China.

Even those countries which have based their policy upon the existence of political differences have participated in other international conferences with representatives of the People's Republic of China. With that in mind, we cannot understand their opposition to its being seated in the United Nations.

Afghanistan, as a neighbour of China and also as an Asian country, would like to emphasize that the Government of the People's Republic of China not only has been recognized by a great number of countries in other regions of the world, but has in fact been accorded recognition by the overwhelming majority of the countries of Asia. In the interests of peace in Asia, the part of the world to which my people belong, it is our duty to stress once again that the aspirations of the Asian people should not, and in the long run, camot

be overlooked in the consideration of this matter by the Assembly,

In 1962, in addressing the General Assembly on this question, the representative of Afghanistan stated:

"The nature of the question itself cannot be changed even though the issue has wide political implications ... We fully recognize the impact that

the participation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations vill have on improving the international situation and the practical solution of many international problems. We emphasize this aspect because it is the positive aspect. This in no way means that we are not aware of the negative political implications, but we should like to concentrate

on the positive political implications." (1256th meeting, para. 95)

BHS/ide

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RSB/ep

(Mr. Chaux, Afghanistan)

To us, the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the

People's Republic of China in the United Nations presents no complexities. It is a very simple and clear issue which requires no exploration or study.

It is an undeniable fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China

is the only legitimate Government of China.

In the light of the aforementioned considerations, it is therefore clear

that we are not in a position to support the draft resolutions contained in documents A/L-532 and Add.1 and A/1.533. But we shall vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531.

+

the

Mr. GALLIN-DOUATHE (Central African Republic) (interpretation from French): Again the question of the representation of China in our organization

has given rise to controversies which, as usual, have not eschewed either passion or verbal violence. After this unburdening ---which is quite legitimate General Assembly mist, in any casa, sasume ita rasponsibilities in

the face of three proposals which reflect the tranıda manifested during

the debate which, inevitably, floved from the importance of the question of

the restoration of the lawful, rights of the People's Republic of China.

In order to be as clear na possible in our statement we shall begin by examining the draft resolution contained in document A/L-532 and Add.1, the

one which reminds us that this question is a matter of vital importance for

our Organization, such a decision having already been taken successively in 1950 and 1561.

We draw two conclusions from reading documer A/L.532 and Add.1. First, there is a principle according to which whenever more than one authority claims

to be the Government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations

and the question becomes a subject of controversy in the the United Nations,

that question should be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of

the Charter of the United Nations and the circumstances of sach State.

China is a Member of our Organization. For this reason, the Government of

Peking claims to be the Government which is qualified to represent Chine, a State Hember of the United Nations, whereas obviously the Government of Taiwan,

which already occupies the seat of China, also claims to be the Governmant

qualified to represent that same China, a State Member of the United Nations.

1

1

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(Mr. Gellin-Dourthe, Central

erican Republic)

We can see that there is more than one authority which claims to be the Goverment of a Member State, and this has given rise to the controversics with

which we are familiar. Therefore, the question must be considered in the light

of the purposes and principles of the Charter and of the circumstances of each

case.

Eminent speakers have already tried, with much eloquence, to stress this

important aspect of the matter and, therefore, we shall not dvall on this,

Secondly, there is the consequence of the principle which we have just mentioned, according to which, in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter,

any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question,

There is, indeed, a proposal to change the representation of China, and this

proposal is contained in draft resolution A/L.533, which asks the Assembly to

decree the immediate expulsion of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek,

Therefore, there is a controversy, since the Paking Government claims to be

the government qualified to represent China, Therefore, it clearly appears that

the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, in the eyes

of most Member States, Implies a change in representation, but it is still a

controversial matter, and obviously it is therefore an important question if one

remembers the previous decisions taken by the General Assembly. Firstly, there was the resolution adopted on 14 December 1950 concerning the representative

nature of the Government, and, secondly, those of 15 December 1961,

17 November 1965 and, finally, of 29 November 1966. All these resolutions

reaffirmed the previous resolutions on this point of whether one could change

the representation of Chins by a pere procedural vote,

Attempts have been made to convince us that there was no question of asking

our Organization to recognize Governmenta, but only to make sure that

representatives coming in the name of Member State vere duly accredited,

We

have been told that we should not speak of Governments, since the Charter sentions States only. This way of presenting the question on the legal plane has

The argument would have convinced us completely

not been lost on us.

if there were not, on the other side, the jurisprudence represented by previous

decisions in the matter,

RSH/op

RSH/ep

A/PY,1609

87

(Mr, Gallin-Douathe. Central

African Republic

Therefore, for these reasons the delegation of the Central African Republic will support without reservation draft resolution A/L.532, which merely recalls

that the question of representation is an important question and that an appropriate

proçedure has to be applied,

Draft resolution A/L.531 has been carefully studied by us since it deals

with the substance of the matter and tries to get the General Assembly to expel

the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek and to seat the representatives of Peking Chine, a huge continent which is a living reality in all fields, especially

because of its demographic power, the dynamic organization of ite political and

social system, and its capacity and its technological advancement, which

are in the process of transforming China into a great Power whose effective preemce in our Organization and co-operation in decisions affecting the maintenance of international peace and security would contribute to establishing

with benefit the much-desired balance of the forces which divide the world.

It is in the name of the universal, nature which must be ensured for our

Organization that the representation of the People's Republic of Chine in the United

Nations is requested, with the restoration of the lawful rights which it claims,

These are the only elemente, While they show that legally Peking is a major Pover, and there is no doubt about that, they would have stood to gain from the presence

in favour of this doctrine or thesis of other no less important elements which would have enabled us, once and for all, to convince ourselves that Peking China no

longer has the obvious and public contempt which it has proclaimed for our Organization, thus gravely impinging upon the moral authority of the United Nations.

We would also have liked to have seen in support of this doctrine another

element based on a sincere desire to co-operate in the policy of peaceful

coexistence and to replace the myth of destructive war with a genuine love for

pasca, The absence of such positive elements reinforces our conviction that

the Peking Goverment refuses to join our ranks freely in order to engage in

the pescaful co-operation which all of us wish to see achieved. In the absence

of any act of candidacy by the authority concerned, we consider that the request

made by others cannot be countenanced, Merefore, my delegation will not support draft resolution A/E.531, which seeks to seat the representatives of the People's

Republic of China.

+

L

We now co

A/FV.1609

88-90

(Mr. Gellin-Douathe. Central

African Republic)

to draft resolution A/1.533, and we wish to tribute to its

ponsors, because thanks to their efforts we are seized of a balanced and impartial proposal with very clear-cut wording and without any elements of passion.

Instead of sanctioning the intransigence with which others would like to see

the matter solved and instead of the complete famobility which is usually the end result of our debate on this matter, draft resolution A/L.533 suggests the

creation of an ad hoc committee to undertake unofficial contacts in the area în

order to find a solution to this problem, taking into account the existing situation. This undoubtedly is a new approach towards the settlement of the

question, and we think of the theory of two Chinsa. But one seems to forget that

the coexistence in the United Nations of two Chinus, if it were to become a

reality, would not solve the difficult problem of the present seat of Taiwan China, and this would be tantamount to adding another difficulty to those which

already exist. We are sceptical of this prospect, not only because Taipeh China is fiercely opposed to the schmission of Peking China to the United Nations, but the latter has put forward a previous condition about its entry into our Organization before the question of its application is even debated here.

For all these reasons, the Central African Republic finds draft

resolution A/L.533 is not fully acceptable. Therefore, it will not support it.

MP/TA-J

A/PV.1609

91

MP/nl-j

A/PV.1609

92

Mr. IGNATTEFF (Canada): I wish briefly to explain the votes of the

adian delegation on the various draft resolutions on Chinese representation

now before the Assembly,

We are naturally disappointed that again this year the Chinese

representation issue has not been brought any closer to a solution.

The Canadien delegation, in accordance with long-established Canadian policy,

vill vote in favour of the concept that this is an important matter, not only in

the specific Juridical terms of Article 18 of the Charter, but also in the far

broader and more general contact of international relations. We believe that

vhile there may be strong pressures for a solution based on the views of a staple

majority of our membership, such a solution would in fact be unworkable, unless at

least two thirds of our Members gave it their active support, including, I would

suggest, the major vorld Powers.

on th

On the substance of the femur, ve vill abstain,

we did last year

resolution put forward by Cambodia, and a group of other co-sponsors, That

resolution, drafted in familiar terms, is no more satisfactory to us than the

only other option with which this Assembly has been presented -- that is, to

ignore the existence of the People's Republic of China,

The Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs, Mr. Paul Hartín,

suggested to this Assdubly last year that neither of those options took account

of the fundamental, changes which have occurred in Chips since the United Nations

was established, Nor did they point to a rational solution of the probles, He

suggested at that time that, rather than continue in either of those two sterile

directions, the Assembly might better address itself to seeking an interie

arrangement which would allow the maximum participation of the people of China

in our Organization, without depriving those who already belong of the voice to

which they have as much right as anyone else in this Assembly. This, I would emphasize, is not, as some have called it, a "two-Chinas" policy.

The essence of the Canadian position wma last year, and is now, that the

presentatives of both Governments should be seated here as an interis solution panding the settlement of the juridical dispute between thes, We believe that,

(Mr, Ignatieff, Canada)

irrespective of the new factors which recent developments on the mainland have

introduced, we must continue to work towards the eventual and, in our view, necessary and effective association of the People's Republic of China with the

international community. Because the resolution accomplishes only part of our

objective and does not, in our view, provide a reasonable way out of the present impasse on the Chinese representation issue, we will abatain on that proposal, as

we did last year,

As to resolution A/L.533, we will vote in favour of that proposal, as we did last year, in the belief that its acceptance by the Assembly would mark a different and possibly fruitful approach to this issue.

In conclusion, as Mr. Martin said in discussing the Chinese representation question at the Twenty-First United Nations General Assembly:

"We think that what is at issue here is the capacity of the United Nations to live up to the purposes of the Charter, to represent the world

as it is, and to bring the great weight of its influence to bear on the

issues of peace and security. Although, in the nature of things, we can

only sove forward on the basis of resolutions, I think I have made it clear

that in our view this issue is not amenable to solution on that basis alone,

It will require the exercise of diplomacy, goodwill and accomodation on

all sides, both within our Organization and without. If that is the spirit

in which the solution of this issue is approached, then I am not unhopeful that we say be able to unblock the road to progress towards making the

United Nations a more effective, a more representative and a sore credible forum of international deliberation and action." (1475th meeting, page 17)

ME, DIACONESCU (Romania) (Interpretation from French): The Romanian

delegation would like to explain its position on draft resolutions A/L.532 and A/L.533, as well as with regard to the motion made by the delegation of Australia,

In the course of the general debate on the question before us, the Romanian

delegation has adduced the arguments according to which the restoration of the

lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations calls for a simpla majority, and not a two thirds anjority, as draft resolution A/1.532 would

provide.

MP/nl-1

A/FV.1609 93-95

[Mr. Diaconescu, Romania

PKB/tom

A/PV.1609

96

Mr. Diaconescu, Romania)

Since no one challenges the fact that China is a Member State of the United

Nations the only duty incumbent upon the General Assembly is to assure, in the

case of China as well, respect for the principles of the Charter which require

sach Member State to be represented by the Government which effectively exercises

authority over the territory of the State in question.

Now, there can be no doubt whatsoever that, in the case of China, that

Government is the Government of the People's Republic of China. Certainly, no State can exercise the functione devolving on it as a Member of the United Nationa

if its seat is occupied by persons other than the envoys of its real and effective

Government, From that flows the need to give the true representatives of China

the chance, in accordance with the Charter, to occupy their rightful place in the United Nations Organization, as well as in its various bodies,

However, the representation of a Member State, as we know, is subject to the procedure of verification of credentials provided for by Article 28 of the rules of procedure, according to which the decisions taken in that regard shall be on the basis of a simple majority. This procedure has been respected in all cases,

with the exception of that of China, in which, according to the draft resolution

based on the theory of important questions, a two-thirds mejority would be necessary to invalidate the full credentials presented by the emissaries of

Chiang Kai-shek.

Thus we see, na clearly as possible, the discriminatory nature of resolution 1668 (XVI), which the delegations of the United States and fourteen other States

are trying to maintain.

|

!

1

Thus, as clearly as possible, we see the discriminatory nature of resolution (XVI) which the delegations of the United States and fourteen other States are

trying to maintain. Basically, the yearly repetition and reaffirmation of this draft resolution is certainly not proof of the solidity of the position that this draft resolution is intended to defend. It is rather a recognition of the very weakness of that resolution. Lacking in argumentation that might have even the slightest chance of persuading anybody, those who oppose the favourable solution of the problem continue to resort to procedural subterfuges.

The Romanian delegation certainly does not underestimate the role to be played by procedure. Strict respect for all the rules within the framework of our

Organization is essential to ensure the adequate and normal functioning of our

Organization and the fulfilment of the aims and encouragement and respect for the principles set forth in the Charter.

It is well known that in any institutional system the norms governing procedure must make possible the application of the system required by the very organization

these rules are supposed to govern. But, the United Nations can be no exception and it is only by vitiating the procedural rules that thus far the road to the solutions indicated by the principles of the Charter has been barred and made impossible.

Resolution 1668 (XVI) of the General Assembly, according to which in order to modify the representation of Chine in the United Nations a two-thirds majority would be called for, is one of the most recent expressions of this vitiating of the terms of our Organization. The Romanian delegation in the course of previous

sessions bes already explained the reasons for which we considered resolution 1668 (VI) to be incompatible with the provisions of the Charter as well as the norms and practices of every-day international law.

In order to reaffirm this resolution, Article 18 of the Charter is very often

Invoked. May we be allowed to recall that within the framework of the Charter the general rule concerning the adoption of decisions is by a simple majority. Article 10 lists a series of exceptions to this rule and this is a limited

enumeration of the type of problems which would call for a two-thirds majority.

This is done in paragraphs 2 of the känt Article. Paragraph 3 of that same

Article gives the General Assembly the right to establish; categories of questions to be decided by a two-thirds majority".

++

additional

PKB/

A/PV.1609 97

PXB/23

A/PV.1609

98-100

(Mr. Diaconescu, Rom

Therefore, a simple majority is required for all problems before the General Assembly excepting those listed in a limitative fashion in the Charter as well as any other new categories of questions to be determined by the General Assembly.

This interpretation that move from the very terms of the charter has been confirmed by the norms of international law, and thus, according to

Professor Ricardo Monaco of the University of Rome:

"The two-thirds majority is required for the decisions that the Assembly may adopt on a series of questions expressly listed in Article 18. This means that a question, although it might appear important, can still be solved by a simple majority if it is not included in the listing made in this Article, namely, Article 18."

H

After having mentioned that, generally speaking a simple majority is required for the adoption of decisions on all questions except those listed in paragrapha 2 and 3 of Article 18, the well-known treatise on international law of Oppenheim-

Lauterpacht also state:

"If a problem, even an important one, is not listed in paragraph 2 or has not been expressly included in a category for which a two-thirds majority is required, it can be the subject of a recommendation on the basis of a simple majority,"

But, the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, or, more specifically, the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chine, enters into none of the categories listed in paragraph 2 of Article 18. Can anyone thus contend that it is a new catagory or an additional category in accordance with the terms of paragraph 31 Certainly not.

In view of the fact that the provisions of the Charter regulating the subst of this problem are not palatable to the advocates of the two-thirds majority, stratages was finally resorted to. In point of fact we are not told that the problem is important in accordance with the terms of Article 18 of the Charter, nor that it is an additional category of problems which has been decided upon on the basis of paragraph 3 of Article 18. We are told purely and simply that this is an important question in the normal understanding of the word "important",

!

I

(Mr. Diaconescu, România

But, for a question to be subject to the two-thirds majority it is not sufficient to call into the terms of the Charter that it be important according to

ommon definition of the term. It has to be important from the standpoint of the definition of Article 15, namely, that it satisfies all the requirements

contained in paragraphs 2 and 3 of that Article. And, furthermore, that has been

the opinion of all the interpreters of the Charter.

To we still have to stress the fact that all problems debated by this Assembly are important problems that have a bearing on the entire world and mankind? But, their solution has not called for a two-thirds sajority in all cases, On the contrary, extremely important questions, but questions that do not fall within the categories of paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 18, have been solved by the General Assembly by a simple majority.

We are confronted also by an error in the interpretation of the treaties. In accordance with unanimously recognized rules, when in an international treaty a word has a different meaning from its usual definition, what must prevail is the technical significance of the word. In other words, what the Charter implies in Article 18 is not the usual sense of "importance" but the special technical meaning whereby "important questions before the General Assembly", for which a two-thirds majority

is required, are important caly and solely according to the terms of Article 18.

For the reasons I bave just adduced the delegation of Romania will vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 submitted by the delegations of the United States and certain other countries. Pursuant to these same

arguments, the request for priority to be granted that proposal, seems even less Justified and the Romanian delegation will vote against the motion for priority proposed by the delegation of Australia.

With regard to draft resolution A/L.553 we do not believe that it is conducive to a just solution of the probles. If we have not as yet been able to restore th lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, it is not because the facts are little know or because a supplementary study is called for. All that is necessary, all that is needed, is that certain countries stop blinding themselves to the obvious realities. My delegation will vote against that draft

resolution.

ET/eh

A/PV.1609 101

(Mr. Diaconescu, Romania

International law demands the immediate restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. The General Assembly can and must solve this problem in accordance with the Charter by deciding that the seat of China in the United Nations and all its organs be occupied by the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China, which is the only one qualified to represent that great State in the

international community.

The PRESIDENT:

A number of representatives are still inscribed

on the list of those who wish to explain their votes before the vote. As

agreed by the Assembly, they will be given an opportunity to do that at

tomorrow morning's meeting before we proceed to the vote. Representatives

who wish to explain their vote after the vote will also be given an

opportunity to do so.

In the afternoon, the Assembly will begin its consideration of agenda item 95 entitled "Need to expedite the drafting of a definition of aggression

in the light of the present international situation".

The meeting rose at 6.40 p.m.

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

President:

A

70

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1607 24 November 1967

ENGLISH

RECEIVED IN ARCHIVES No 31

- 70

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND

SEVENTH PLENARY MEETTING

Held at Headquarters, New York, on Friday, 24 November 1967, at 3 p.m.

Mr. MANESCU

.J67

FC2/2

(Romania)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations 97 (continued) (a), (b) and (c)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 27 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 30 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70189

ET/cs

A/PV,1607 2-5

EB/Jv

A/PV,1607

6

(Mr. Kjartansson, Iceland)

ACONDA ITEM 95

RESTORATION THE LAWFUL RIGHS THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE UNITED

HATIONS:

(a) DRAFT REBOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE)

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531); (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZȚII,

COLOMBIA, GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add,1)

(c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG AND TH

NETHERLANDS (A/L.533) (continued)

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French):

I would resind

representatives that the list of speakers on this item was closed at noon today.

Mr. KJARTANSSON (Iceland); For seventeen years now the General Assembly

has been debating the question of the representation of China in the United Nations without having been able to find a way to break the stalemate which has prevented it from arriving at a positive and constructive solution to this problem, me

stand which the delegation of Iceland has taken on this question has been based

on two main considerations. First, it has been our view in previous years that

the issue of the representation of China is an important one, What is still the considered opinion of my Govemment. Secondly, the Icelandic Government bee been opposed to the admission of the People's Republic of China at the

expense of the membership of the Republic of China. This year again those considerations will determine the position which we shall take with regard to the proposals that are before the Assembly for its consideration.

The draft resolution submitted by Albenia and ten other delegations in document A/1.531 proposes to sent the People's Republic of China as a center of the United Nations and simultaneously to expel the Republic of China,

The Foreign Minister of Iceland, Mr. Bail Jonsson, stated clearly and unequivocally in his intervention in the general debate on ↳ October this year

at:

"My Government has not supported, and vill not support, any resolution that calls for the emission of the People's Republic of China, on the one hand, and the expulsion of the Republic of China, on the other hand, This does not mean, however, that ve oppose the admission of the People's Republic of China. On the contrary, we are fully aware of the inherent dangers in the present unnatural state of affairs, namely that in which

4 country which holds one fifth of the population of the world still stands outside this Organization and appears to have become increasingly isolated from the world community." (1579th meeting, page 46)

For several years, and up to the last session of the General Assembly, Icelandic delegation has abstained on the draft resolution submitted by delegation of Albania and others, We could not

We could not vote in favour of it since we were firmly opposed to the expulsion of the Republic of China, but ALE WE were not opposed to the idea për së of the admission of the People's Republic of China we did not vote against it. Last year, however, the co-sponsors of the Albanian resolution slightly altered the language used in previous years so as to ensure that any Member vishing to vote for the admission of the People's Republic of China would simultaneously, whether it vanted to or not, vote for the expulsion of the Republic of China.

At the same time a new element vas introduced through the submission of new draft resolution sponsored by the delegations of Belgium, Chile, Italy and other Countries. That draft resolution proposed the setting-up of a committee to study the question in all its aspects and, in essence, to explore the eventual possibilities and conditions under which it might prove possible to bring the People's Republic of China into this Organization without expelling the Republic of China. My delegation voted in favour of that resolution. We felt that, whatever shortenings it had, it consituted a new approach to the problem of Chinese representation in the United Nations, Mary dalagations were of the opinion that the establishment of such a committee would be a futile exercise.

BH/JV

A/PV.1607

7-10

(H. Kjartansson, Iceland)

In our view it vas an approach which offered the possibility for the General Assembly to put an end to a fruitless confrontation of votes and to break a deadlock which had lasted too long. To our regret, the proposal of the Italian

delegation and others was rejected.

Having decided to vote in favour of the Italian proposal, which aised at

• search for a positive solution to the problem, the Icelandic delegation decided last year to vote against the Albanian draft resolution. By that vote we underlined our opposition to the proposal to expel the Republic of China from membership of the United Nations,

The delegations of Belgium, Chile, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy have now, again, presented to the General Assembly a draft resolution (A/L.533) identical to the one presented last year, proposing the establishment of an ad hoc committee to study the problem of minese representation in the United Nations and naka appropriate recommendations to the General Assembly at its twenty-third session for an equitable and practical solution to the question in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter,

My delegation supports that proposal, In our view this problem cannot be reduced to mere rival claims to the same seat by two different Governments,

The membership of the Republic of China since the establishment of this Organization is an historical and a political reality, The Republic of China has participated constructively and pesesfully in international affairs and fulfilled all the obligations of membership in the United Nations. To expel the Republic of China could hardly be called an action consistent with the prim iples of the Charter. Certainly it would be in clear contradiction with the principle

of universality.

Regarding the Government of the People's Republic of China we have many

ressons to be in doubt as to its vishes and intentions. Does it want to take

sest in the United Nations, and under what conditions? Earlier declaration

emanating from Paking and the strange events in the People's Republic of China

during the last year or two give us good reason to proceed cautiously in this

matter; and that, as we see it, is the intention and aim of the Italian proposal,

My delegation vill vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted by the

Italian and other delegations. By that vote we wish to underline our positive

attitude towards efforts aimed at seeking a solution to the problem of China'a

representation. We shall, at the same time, vote against the draft resolution

submitted by the Albanian and other delegations.

AP/1c

A/PV.1607

11

(r. Kjartansson, Iceland)

Finally, we have before us the draft resolution submitted by Australia, Belgium and several other delegations, in document A/L.532. In the

Lew of my delegation, the question of the admission and membership of a Government exercising control over the world's most populous nation must

these in

be of an overriding importance to this Organization. And in fact, the long debates on this subject in the General Assembly all these years, the broad participation in these debates, the great interest -- and, indeed, the passion that the examination of this agenda item always evokes

themselves are ample proof of the importance which Member Goverments attach to this question. The proposal to expel a Member of this Organization, a Member in good standing whose record in the United Nations will bear

comparison with others, is a very serious matter not to be dealt with lightly or disposed of by a simple anjority. In fact, Article 18 of the Charter explicitly states that "the expulsion" of a Hember is an important question which can be decided upon by a two-thirds majority only.

My delegation will therefore vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532, which reaffirms the General Assembly's earlier decisions that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question which must be decided by a two-thirds majority vote, in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter.

HT. TURBAY AYALA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): This debate on the possible "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations" offers us the opportunity to consider the substance of the question, as proposed, na vell na ita procedural cafect.

The delegation of Colombia has sponsored, along with fourteen States,

■ draft resolution intended to support, as far as procedure is concerned, the position that the United Nations has taken on various occasions concerning this very matter, nemely, that it is an important question,

7

AP/1c

A/FV,1607

AP/1c

12

(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia)

My delegation has not hesitated to sponsor this draft because, in the light of the provisions of Article 18 of the Charter, it can be seen that mong those matters requiring a two-thirds majority are to be found

those referring to:

Н

the admission of new Members to the United Nations, the suspension of the rights and privileges of membership, the expulsion of Members ... (Article 18, para. 2)

14

Today we are considering the document submitted by the delegations of Albania, Algeria, Cambodia, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Pakistan, Rccants and Syria (A/L.531), in which it is proposed:

"....... to restore all its rights to the People's Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expal forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to 1t."

We find ourselves, therefore, considering an express proposal for the zission of a Goverment and for the expulsion of another Govemment and, therefore, we need not sharpen our vite, nor mbark upon erulite and

complicated statements in order to affirm that the Assembly is debating a matter which requires for its decision a two-thirds majority of the Members

present and voting.

Colombia does not advocate a convenient interpretation of the Charter; rather it respects a mandate which because of its exprese nature and the clarity of its provisions cannot be understood in any other manner. Article 18 of the Charter was not drawn up in order to consider any ad hoc case;

rather at Ban Francisco it was agreed upon as being a constant now of the

United Nations and as a guarantee of the good judgement and high sense of responsibility with which the United Nations should proceed in matters

ffecting its own structura. No matter what opinion one may have cone crning

the so-called restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of thine,

one cannot overlook the fact that as Albania'a resolution is drafted it

must be submitted to the procedure laid down in Article 18 of the Charter.

A/PV.1607

13-15

(Mr. Turbay Avala, Colombia)

As far as our knowledge goes, the representatives of the People's Republic of China were never a part of the United Nations on any previous occasion, and therefore one cannot talk about the restoration of a right which they never had. It would be much better to qualify the proposal submitted by Albania and the other co-sponsors of draft resolution A/1.531 as a replacement of the present representatives of China by the representativas

of the Government of Peking.

What is proposed, no more, no less, is the expulsion of the representatives

It so of a State which is one of the founding Hembers of the United Nations, happens that the present Foreign Minister of the Republic of China, Mr. Wei Tao-ming, vas one of the signers of the San Francisco Charter in 1945, when the present President of the Chinese Government, President Chiang Kai-shek,

var the head of Government,

This matter cannot be qualified or labelled as being a simple case of credentials. My delegation considers that the matter now under debate is a political matter because of its very origins, because of its manifestations and because of its implications. It would be naïve to overlook the political effects which would occur in the turbulent world of Ásta if we vere to approve the draft resolution which proposes the expulsion of the representatives of the Government of the Republic of China and its replacement, by the representatives of the People's Republic of China.

AM/V

A/PV-1607

16

AW/vm

(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia

A/27.1607

17

(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia)

E

Also, the possible admission to the United Nations of the representatives of the Government of Mao Tse-tung would have broad repercussions in the world political scene. We cannot conceive of the admission of the representatives of the Goverment of the People's Republic of China in this Organization in

■ hostile atmosphere characterized by the belligerent confrontation of those who maintain these well-known but antagonistic positions. The possible recognition should never be seen in the light of a triumph of the East over the West. It should not constitute the triumph of one heterogeneous group of States over another group of the ame nature.

The arrival of the representatives of continental China in the United Nations would have to take place, in the opinion of my dalegation, as the result of a sweeping agrement between all the nations, and particularly between those nations which here the greatest responsibility for the maintenance of peace. Its principle objective would have to be to strengthen coexistence #mong nations. This purpose would never be achieved if we did not try methods different from those which have proven to be a fallure during the past eighteen years. But the delegation of Colombis, of course, cannot vote, either now or later, for the expulsion of a State which, like the Republic of China, bas played, with prudence, intelligence and great brilliance, its important role in the

United Nations.

Ky delegation does not overlook any of the arguments which have been put

It is true that the forward by the unofficial spokesmen of continental, China, population of China mounta to 750 million inhabitants and that China's militery importance is growing. All of this is undeniable. However, such circumstances in themselves do not justify the sdidission to the United Nations of a country which is not determined to support the structural principles of the world Organization.

To be a Member of this club of nations it is not a requirement that the candidate should show its military power. It is not strength or force, but rather the desire for peaceful coexistance that could open the doors of the United Rations to those desiring admission.

Some say, without any basis, that there exists a conspiracy against the

rights of the Government of the People's Republic of China, because of

nsiderations of ideology and politics. This is not the case. The attitude of my delegation has never been inspired by purely partisan feelings. In the

United Nations no one has attempted to make the ideology of all Member States exactly uniform.

Among the signers of the San Fransico Charter are to be found

many Communist countries which do great honour to the United Nations.

May I be permitted to say that it is not because it is a Communist State,

but rather because it has not given proof that it is a friend of pesce, that

no representative of the Government of the People's Republic of China has been admitted. We have never been able to learn whether, in reality, the Government

of Peking wishes to become a Member of this Organization, or whether it intends

to fulfil the obligations and duties of Member States. Every time we have considered this matter, we have done so because of the request of unofficial spokesmen of the People's Republic of China. In these circumstances, it would be extravagant to proceed to admit a State which deliberately has refused to state its opinion in a catter in which silence necessarily gives rise to doubts.

The delegation of Colombia believes that we have not gone deep enough into

this matter and, therefore we welcome the intiative of Balgium, Chile, Italy, Luxemburg and the Netherlands (A/L.533) which would establish a committee of Member States to investigate and study all the aspects of the representation of

China in the United Nations in conformity with the principles and purposes of

the Charter. The establishment of the counitten proposed in the draft resolution contained in document A/L.533 would enable the Assembly to have better information available, and it would allow the Assembly to know the exact implications of the possible admission to the United Nations of the representatives of the Government

of the People's Republic of China.

As was said by the representatives of Italy and Chile, a vote in favour of

their draft resolution would not constitute any prior commitment, nor would it be binding in any way upon the United Nations. All States will maintain

I

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I

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DR/sh

(Mr. Turbay Aleyls, Colombia)

A/FV.3607

21

full freedom of action to take any decision they wish on the conclusions of the committee which it is proposed to establish, so that it can report back

but not to negotiate.

the delegation of Colombia, obviously, will vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L-532. He will also vote in favour of the five-Power draft resolution (A/L.533) which proposes the establishment of a cound tree to study and investigate the question of the representative of Chine and to submit a report to the twenty-third regular session of the General Assembly.

The delegation of Colombia will vote sgainst the draft resolution of Albania and the other States (A/1.531) which proposes the so-called restoration

of the rights of continental China and the expulsion of the representatives of

the Government of the Republic of China.

U AUNG MYAT KYAW (Burma): Once again the United Nations is faced with the issue of the "Restoration of the lawful, rights of the People's

Republic of China in the United Nations". The delegation of Burns feels

that this issue should never have arisen in the first place. The present

unfortunate situation in which the United Nations finds itself in matters concerning world peace and security, in matters concerning disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, could, in the opinion of my delegation, have been prevented if only the United Nations had faced the realities of the situation involving the change of government in China in 1949. By refusing the Government of the Feople's Republic of China ita rightful place in this Organization, the United Nations has deliberately denied itself

the opportunity of listening to the voice, with all ite nuances, of almost one fifth of all mankind. This situation isposes a severe and unwarranted

handicap on the United Nations itself and limits its authority, Discussions

of world problems, particularly those of disaraement and the like, would be more realistic and solutions reached more lasting if People'a

China were to be a party to them as a Member of the United Nations. Good sense in the interests of the world comunity requires that the People's Republic of China be restored to its rightful seat in the United Nations,

The present glaring injustice by which the people of the world's most populous state has, for the last eighteen years, been deprived of a place in this Assembly and the anomaly of that country's being represented by those who have lost control over its land should be set aright.

There is only one China and only one legal Government representing the Chinese people with control over its entire land. That Government

representing the only China is the Government of the People's Republic of

The issue involved is a simple matter as to who represents China, and the vote of my delegation will be determined accordingly.

DB/ch

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(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)

Mir, SHARI (Pakistan): The General Assembly is once again discussing the question of the restoration of the layful rights of the People's Republic of Chim in the United Nations. It is one of the most disquieting features of this Organization's life that the question of Chinese representation has remained unresolved for eighteen years, As a result, the United Nations has remained detached from one of the primary political realities of the world and its effectiveness bas diminished.

This question came before the General Assembly first in 1949 when Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China established its affective control and authority over the territory of China, one of the permanent members of the Security Council and a founding Member of the

United Nations.

On 18 November 1949 the Foreign Minister of this Government duly informed the President of the General Assembly that the delegation which represented China until that time had lost its right to speak on behalf of China and that, therefore, its credentials were no longer valid.

According to the law and practice of the United Nations with respect to the question of representation of Member States wherein changes of governmenta have occurred, there should have been a speedy response to this intimation from the Central People's Goverment. In the memorandum on the legal aspects of the problem of representation in the United Nations circulated by the Secretary-General on 9 March 1950 (8/1466), it was clearly stated that the decisive consideration should be whether a new overnment exercises affective muthority within the territory of a State.

In this context, my delegation would like to quote the last paragraph of the sesorandum of Mr. Trygve Lie:

"If BO" that is, if a new government exercises effective

"It would sem to be authority within the territory of a state appropriate for the United Nations organs, through their collectiv@ action, to accord it the right to represent the State in the Organization, aven though individual Members of the Organization refuse, and say continue to refuse, to accord it recognition as the lawful government for reasons which are valid under their national policies.

Accordingly, the delegation of the Central People's Government should

have been promptly seated as the representatives of Chine in all the organs

of the lited Nations.

It is one of the greatest failures of this Organization that this was

not done. Pakistan has been among the States which have urged time and

again that this should be rectified and the lawful rights of the People's

Republic of China speedily restored. On 25 September 1950, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan, addressing this Assembly, pointed out that the question was not one of recognition, nor of admission of a State, but purely of the validity of representation.

My Government would once again remind the Assembly that all we are

concerned with in this question is the seating of the true representatives

of China.

The passage of time has served only to lend additional duphasis, if emphasis were needed, to the urgency of this question. We all know the results which have stened directly from the evasion of reality in this

matter by the United Nations.

There are at least three categories of questions on which the viewpoint of the real Government of Chins is of the greatest moment and significance. The first consists of issues relating to the elinization of the muclear

The second includes issues relating to general disarmament. third pertains to the great issues of war and peace, particularly in Asia, and generally in the world.

menace.

The

Each of these questions impinges on the fate of mankind, On all these questions, the absence of China from our counsels here has made the search for solutions far more difficult. The grasp of the United Nations on issues cannot be firm, its pronouncements cannot be persuasive and ita decisions cannot carry the necessary authority unless it is cured of the disability which has weakened it all these years.

An argument is accetines heard here that the inclusion of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations vill not enhance the capacity of this Organization to meet the grave crises confronting the world, Support is Bought

DR/ch

A/PV.1607 24-25

TL/Jam

(Mr. Shabi, Pakistan)

A/FV.1607

26

(Mr. Shahi,(Pakistan)

for this argument from some of the statements of the leaders of China, However, the basic fact is that the United Nationa te not an organization of like-zinded States. Its purpose is to harmonize the conflicting intereste

of nations. It is by confronting divergent viewpoints that the United Nations can achieve viable solutions to the problems of the world.

The fact that the participation of the People's Republic of China in negotiations on grave issues of var and peace, and in their settlement, is not

vital but essential vas recognized in the Geneva accords of 1954

and the Agreements of 1962 relating to Laos. The reasons which prompted Chinta being invited to these negotiations were compelling. No less compelling are the reasons which desend that China be sested in the United Nations.

The question that the Assembly has to answer is: If we exclude a Gorrentyment. which has a right to be represented in our deliberations, can we expect that Government to conform to our decisions? The Government in question here is one that represents the largest intioral, seguent of makind. Nor can ve forget

Chiza represents a unique and self-determined civilization which has been a

living reality for three thousand yekra.

So much about the substance of the issue. Let me now turn to the procedures adopted by this Organization in dealing with the subject of Chinese representation.

For a certain time a moratorium on a decision on this question una imposed from year to year, Now a similar expedient is being proposed in draft resolution A/1.533 which would establish a committee with the mandate of

exploring and studying the situation.

cooplexitle

this

This proposal bases itself on the premise tha

question require the most searching consideration". My we sak; What

consideration could be more searching than that which the Assembly ma giyên to

this issue in debatas during so many sessions? If the Assembly's exhaustive discussion of the issue for all these years has not led to a solution, what study by any committee would? It is obvious that the proposal would have the affect

only of postponing the solution of an urgent problem.

My delegation has dealt in previous sessions with the question of this issue's being declared an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the

The word "important" is deceptive here. In a sense, all issues debated in the General Assembly are important, but mumerous such issues have been

decided by a simple majority. The question therafora, is not what faportance

we attach to an issue politically, but what vorking procedure is to be applied to it and what the basis is on which setion ona be taken by the Assembly with respect to it.

TL/jan

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27

(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)

TL/Jem

A/PT.1607 28-30

(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)

Under the title of representation of China in the thited Nations, many

resolutions vers adopted by the Assembly by a simple majority. I cite resolutions 1108 (XT), 1135 (XII), and 1239 (XIII) as exemples. If that procedure va

considered to be valid then, vhat renders it invalid now?

This consideration is reinforced by some others. In the first place, the

issue of Chinese representation does not fall under any of the questions listed as "important" in Article 18, mat Article lists, inter alia, the admission of new

Heubers to the United Nations, the auspension of the rights and privileges of

abership and the expulsion of Hembers, as "important". None of those questions

is involved under the present item, vhich is one of representation.

Secondly, the question of representation of Governments was not unknow to

those who fruned the Charter of the United Nationa. mhat it was not included in

the emuneration in Article 19 shows irrefutably that it is not an important question in the sense of that Article.

It is exhaustive,

de anomeration in Article 18 is not merely illustrative. but subject to the deteraimation by the General Assembly of additiomi catégories of questions to be decided by a two-thirds majority under paragraph 3 of Article 18.

In regard to the determination of these additional catagories, certain

bate considerations are to be borne in sind. First, it goes without mying that such a determination should be anda in good faith and not as a matter of

expediency. Second, this determination relates to categories, and not to a

question se it arises with respect to one specific chen,

It would be open under paragraph 3 of Article 18 for the Assembly to declare

that the question of representation vith respect to all Governmenta 18 an important question. The Général Assembly is not being asked to make such a

determination, That being so, the Assembly cannot take the position that the

question of representation is unimportant with respect to States A, B and C, but important with respect to Stata D.

It is true, ka the records of the United Nations show, that there are

instances where the Assembly ia decided that a certain resolution should be

adopted by a two-thirda majority vote. It can be mid that no additional category una thereby added to the questions enumerated in Article 18, paragraph 2, beskuse specific resolutions were required to be adopted by a majority vote. But in each

of these instances a relation was established between the specific questions involved and those listed in Article 18. Such a relation, as I have said befové,

not be established between the question of representation of Chim and any of those questions on which the Charter explicitly requires that decisions be taken

by a two-thirds majority.

My delegation vill therefore vote against the draft resolution contained in

document A/L.532 and Add.1.

For the reseans that I have already stated and that the delegation of Pakistan has repeatedly advanced in the past, I would urge the Assembly to adopt draft resolution A/L.531, which Pakistan has the honour to co-sponsor. This draft is based on a recognition of the fact that there is but one China, and that therefore the Government of the People's Republic of China alone has the lawful right to represent Chim and the great Chinese people in the United Nations and all related organizations.

My delegation has no doubt whatsoever that the adoption of draft resolution A/1.531 would open prospects which have tragically remained closed all these years- I talk of the prospects of dealing effectively with the grave and pressing problems which beset Asia and the world.

BS/T

A/PV.1607

31

A/PV.1607 32

(Me, Houanza, Congo (Bressaville})

MOUANZA (Congo (Brazzaville)} (interpretation from French):

For seventeen years now the question of the restoration of the lawful rights

of the People's Republic of Catos in the United Nations has been on the agenda of the regular sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations. The fact that this question has been the subject of long and interminable

deliberations is sufficient to demonstrate the presence in spirit of the

People's Republic of China among us, in spite of the physical absence of its

representatives, whose seat continues to be scandalously occupied by the

dissaries of the so-called régine of Chiang Kai-shek,

Today still, a certain number of States are desperately striving, by

the exercise of all types of pressure and delaying tactics, to postpone the

Inevitable. In particular by presenting the draft resolution contained in

document A.L.552, which calla for a vote by a two-thirds majority, the enemies

of the People's Republic of China want us to treat the satter as one of the

adaission of a new Masher and, at the same time, ne one of the recognition

of a Government. That draft hardly does credit to its authors, for it

simply reflects the failure of a now discredited policy and a total ignorance of the international realities of a world in the process of irreversible

change. Let us remember that when the Charter was being drafted in San Francisco the Republic of China vas the subject of a good deal of solicitude, because it vas quite rightly considered as an element of world balance. Hence

that great country is not only founding Member of the United Nations, but also one of the Powers which has, under the teme of Article 24 of the Charter, primary responsibility for the aaintenance of international peace and security,

The fundamental political changes which have occurred in that great

country have, to our astonishment, led certain States, headed, of course, by the United States of America, to deny that country its inalienable rights.

The United Nations does not have as one of its tasks the seenamment of the

merits of any given régime. A Herber State, it is hardly necessary to recall, has the sacred right to change its political system if it considers that at

a certain stage of its development its system no longer responds to the

deep and legitimata aspirations of its people.

The Government of the Congo (Brazzaville) has had the privilege of associating itself with Governments of Asia, Europe and Africa in requesting

to

inclusion in the agenda of the item entitled "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations" and ve continue to think that the state of ostracism in which the United State of America has been striving to keep the People's Republic of China until now can no longer be tolerated and that it is time to put an en this absurd situation. We should like to say to the masters of legal subtlety who believe that they possess a monopoly of international law that the Chinese reality is an inexorable fact of world history and that nothing

can be done to change that fact.

The question which arises here, in our view, is not whether or not to adsit China to the United Nations. The question which we sunt answer objectively and clearly is who represents China and the 700 million people of China. Is it the régime of Chiang Kai-shek, discredited, forced out and thrown into the sea by the Chinese people, and artificially kept in

the power by American troops? Is it not, as we are deeply convinced it ia, Goverment of Peking, which is the emanation of the unequivocal will of the

great Chinese people?

It is impossible to hide the truth of our time behind a screen of alander, a process of making false charges sad the pae of sordid pressure, the truth that the People's Republic of China, through its decisive contributions, its dynamic and inestimable contributions in the important fields of science and technology, and its economic progress, is now one of the greatest Povers

in the world.

A lasting solution to the great problems of our time camot be found by systematically ignoring the existence of a people which, of itself, represents a quarter of mankind. The opponents of the restoration of the lasful rights of the People's Republic of China vant to persuade the puppet régimes which obey them that the Peking Government is so aggressive that its

is there admission to the United Nations would forever prejudice vorld peace.

any need to point out that this argument, which is nothing but one of those

BHS/JW

A/PV.1607

33-35

(Mr. Mouanza, Congo (Brazzaville))

constant attempts at systification by the reactionary and imperialist forces,

can only bring a mile from those among us -- and happily they are Bany --

who still think clearly and maintain their full independence of judgement. Contrary to the policy followed with such constant cynicism by the critica of the People's Republic of China, the Goverment of Peking, to our knowledge,

maintaine no military bases outside ita territory, and no one pan prove the

contrary.

RSH/m

A/PV.1607

36

(Me. Mouanza, Congo (Brazzaville))

Obviously these same critics stop at nothing. For then, the cultural and proletarian revolution which is under way in China is just one more argument for oping the restoration of the fundamental rights of that country. This is, and we repeat this with the utmost vigour, essentially a problem of internal order which falls exclusively within the competence of the Chinese Government.

The Government of the Congo (Brazzaville) has a clear conscience and is legitimately proud of being amongst those States who do not think it is possible to place any obstacle before the irreversible current of history, and it supports with the utmost energy the People's Republic of China in its right to the restoration of its role and place in the United Nations.

Let our enemies, the imperialists and the reactionaries, who are always being overtaken by events, find this reprehensible. This does not surprise us at all. At the risk of constant repetition, we would like to state once again today that as was solemnly declared by President Alphonse Maasamba-Débat, the Congo is not a vassal of any bloc, and if in ita anti-imperialist struggle it can count upon other progressive forces throughout the world our country intends to do this and to undertake, according to its own genius and its still modest mans, construction of a society at once more just, more free and more peace-loving.

The various manoeuvres which are being used precisely at the time when our Organization is faced with the question of deciding the Chinese question will not frighten us. In fact, they caly serve to confirm us in our conviction in a clear conscience of the justness of our struggle.

Today, more than ever, it is necessary for common sanṣa and reason to prevail. The restoration to the People's Republic of China of its lawful rights in B positive act which every single one will be accomplishing before mankind

and before history.

The refugees of Taivan are not the representatives of China, which is and which remains an indivisible entity.

In the light of all these considerations, the dalagation of the Congo (Brazzaville) ventures to appeal to all Members of the Organization to adopt, by a large majority, draft resolution A/1.531 submitted by certain Asian and African Governments, and irrevocably to reject the draft resolution sponsored by the

United States.

|

RSH/

A/FV.1607

37

Mr. VRATUSA (Yugoslavia): The question we are considering, the

restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United

Nations, has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for years. Regrettably,

we must observe that no progress has been made in the solution of this problem

during all this time. It is a fact that, under the pretaxt of procedural, and other

arguments, one part of the membership of our Organization is attempting persistently to prevent a just solution, the only possible solution in conformity with the

legitimate rights of the Chinese people, with the Charter and with the duties and

responsibilities of the United Nations.

The People's Republic of China could, and should, be represented in the United

Nations only by its legitimate Government in Paking. The insistence on fictions

from the past has led to a paradox in practice. Although China was one of the founders of the United Nations, actually today this great country is outside our Organization. This is a violation both of the unquestionable rights of a sovereign

country and of the principle of the universality of the United Nations.

These principles form the basis of the United Nations and represent essential pre-conditions for its effective performance in the spirit of equitable

+

international co-operation.

The Yugoslav delegation is firmly convinced that the reasons which are being put forward are indefensible. They do not favour the solutions proposed by the sponsora of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532, and their repetition does not make then more convincing. Under the Charter, it is the

inaliscable sovereign right of every people to choose its own government, a

government that would represent it in international relations as well, irrespective

of relations among individual States and the possible position which each one of us may have towards the policy of this or that Government. The question of the

representation of a country in the United Rations cannot be solved by attempts to have decisions imposed from outside. This can only harm the prestige and the role

of our Organization in the solution of major international problems which, mora

than ever before, demand the participation of all States in our work.

Such major problems range from disarmament, security in the world, overcoming

contradictions energing as a result of the widening gap between the developed and

the developing countries, up to the ensuring of human rights and the promotion of

co-operation among peoples and States, irrespective of the differences in their

social systems.

RSH/cm

A/PV.1607 38-40

(Mr. Vratuna, Yugoslavia)

My country supports the efforts which have as their aim the full realization of the principle of universality and the admission to membership of the United

"Ations of every State requesting it. In the present generally unfavourable

international relations, our Organization is faced with many obstacles and

difficulties in the discharge of its responsibilities.

ET/cs

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41

(Mr. Vratusa, Yugoslavia)

That is why we consider that it is even more necessary today to exert

additional efforts in order that all States, without discrimination, may be

given the possibility of becoming Members of this world Organization and of becoming active and responsible participants in the efforts aimed at achieving

a better future for all.

Having in mind these principles, my delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531, which provides for the

restoration, without delay, of the lawful rights of the People's Republic

of China in the United Nations.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Before adjourning the

meeting, I should like to remind Members of the Assembly of the announcement I made yesterday concerning the deadline for the tabling of proposals and amendments relating to this question. Since there is no objection, the

deadline for the tabling of proposals and amendments is noon on Monday,

27 November.

The meeting rose at 4.40 p.m.

I

69

69A

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

President:

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1606

23 November 1967

ENGLISH

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND

SIXTH PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Thursday, 23 November 1967, at 10.30 a.m.

Mr. MANESCU

RECEIVED IN

ARCHIVES No 31

- 70EC 1967

F22/2.

P

pf

(Romania)

عی

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations 937 (a), (b) and (c) (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 110k, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 24 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 29 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70185

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AGENDA DWM 93

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(Mr. Khanal, Nepal)

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE UNITED NATIONS (continued);

(4) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUIN ITERD BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, RCHANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531); (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGTIM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, COLOMBIA,

GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add,1); (c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG AND THE

RETHERLANDS (A/L.533)

Mr. KHANAL (Nepal): Although the views of His Majesty's Goverment of Nepal on the question of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations are vell-known, this

question is so important politically that we feel it would be worthwhile to state those views again. This question is one whose proper solution is vital to the health of this Organization. Whether or not this world body will be able to achieve the goal set forth in Its Charter depends, in our vier, to large extent, on our success or failure to solve this question,

sbsence of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations has weakened the Organization morally, structurally and politically. The United Nations Charter has given very special responsibility to the permanent members of the Security Council in matters related to the preservation of international pance and security. The founding fathers of the Organization decided, and decided visely, that by virtue of its size, its population, its potentialities and resources and its contribution to peace, China ves entitled to be one of such permanent members, But since 1949, China's

+

rights in the Security Council and in other organs and related agencies of the United Nations have remained unexercised and, worse still, have been

allowed to be usurped by a rump régiae claiming to be the representative of the

Chinese people.

!

That this rup régise

the Government of the so-called Republic of China -- heut been decidedly rejected by the Chinese people and has remained in power with "the sid and mupport of foreign Powers has never been in doubt. As long ngo as 1950, Me, Brygve Ele, the then Secretary-General of the United Nations, recognized, in a sesorandum, that the Government of the People's Republic of Chim was in effective control of the mainland of China and that it enjoyed the obedience of the overwhelming bulk of the Chinese people.

There has been no change in the situation since then. The same Government that rulad China in 1950 rules that country today. une régina is more stable and the country is stronger. But ironically, so far as the United Nations concerned, that Government does not exist, and its place is taken illegally by a rump régine which is neither entitled to represent nor capable of representing the Chinese people in this Organization and its related agencies.

History has seldom witnessed a state of affairs such as this. The refusal to accept the Government of the People's Republic of China as the spokesman of the Chinese people in the United Nations, far back in 1950, was an act of grave injustice and injury committed against that people. The recognition of the Taiwan régime as the Government of China vas, to say the least, like adding insult to injury. This has naturally irritated the Chinese people, who, like all other self-respecting and proud people, faal aggrieved at the banda of the United Nations.

The People's Republic of China was never given a chance to co-operate with, and to contribute to the work of, the United Nations, despite the rights it had had under the Charter. We have no doubt that the People's Republic of China

is able to fulfil the obligations of the Charter and we believe, on the beds of previous published statements of Chinese and other world leaders, that it is willing to fulfil those obligations. We cannot say that the attitude of the Governant of the People's Republic of China is responsible for its absence from the Organization. It is certain countries in this Organization

that are responsible for isolating China from our sidet, and ve are therefore not justified at all in assuming or saying that the attitude and actions of the People's Republic of China do not conform to the standard of conduct set by the Charter of the United Nations.

I

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7

(Mr. Khanal, Nepal)

So far as Nepal is concerned, such allegations appear to be groundless and unsupported by the facts of history. Our relations with thina, which shares a common boundary with us, are traditional and based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and co-operation emmersted in the Charter, in the Pancha Shila and in the Banding Declaration. I say also say that the Bandung

Conference, in which the People's Republic of China played a significant role, vas a conference of peace-loving nations. My country worked with Chine at Bandung and recalls with appreciation the contribution made by it to the success of that Conference. Ching's role as a peace-loving country at Geneva in 1954 on the question of Indo-China and later in 1962 is equally significant. Our Organization has become the poorer in that the People's Republic of China is not with us,

The reality of the international situation today is that Chine in the most populous country in the world, comprising about one fourth of the world's population. And this country has been consolidated under strong and effective central government and has achieved rapid development economically, technologically and militarily, even to the extent of being a thermonuclear Power.

China has been through a great revolution affecting the life of the Chinese people profoundly, The references to the current internal cultural revolution as an obstacle to the restoration of China's lawful rights are certainly less relevant to our purpose then a reference to the growing daily volume of effective public opinion favouring the restoration of China's rights that is heard in those very countries which oppose such restoration, What is more relevant is that no lasting solution to the vexing problems of the world, particularly those of Asia, South-East Asia and the Far East, is possible without the co-operation of this Government, It is equally understandable that its co-operation and participation would be vital to the success of any disarmament talks. The success of the Geneva Conference on Indo-China in 1954 and the Bandung Conference in 1955 of which were benefited by the counsel and participation of the People'e Republic of China-points to the inevitable conclusion that, where questions

both

I

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(Mr. Khanal, Nepal

of international co-operation and of war end peace in the world, particularly în Asie, are involved, the participation and co-operation of the People's Republic of China is essential, indeed vital, and that in these matters such co-operation and participation must be sought and obtained.

It is because of this political weight which the People's Republic of China, because of its size, population and resources, is able to bring to bear on the course of international affairs, that even those countries which are opposed to the restoration of its lawful rights to China have felt It necessary to keep open a line of regular communication, in different ways, with its Government. Surely, the communication that has been found necessary could be better used and increasingly developed in the form of open dialogue if the rights of the People's Republic of China were restored in the United Nations,

Apologists of the so-called Republic of China see fit to find insurmountable difficulties in the way of this simple act of justice.

What

ham, thay sak, has Formosa done? Why should Formosa be driven way from our Organization, whose cause it has so faithfully served over these eighteen years? My delegation wishes to state simply that the United Nations is an organization of independent and sovereign Governmenta representing their peoples, whose habitual obedience they command. The violation of the Charter and of international law started on the day when the Chiang Kai-shek régize, having forfaited the confidence of the Chinese people, continued illegally to claim to speak for that people. It is high time that we rectified this violation. Since Taiwan's clada to speak on behalf of the Chinese people can be neither established nor entertained, it would be highly unprofitable on our part

to occupy ourselves with the fate of this rump régime. We are concerned here with the question of the restoration of the rights of Chios in the United Nations; let us address ourselves seriously to that task.

BHB/jam

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(e. Khanal, Noral)

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(Mr.Kḥacal, Neval)

This question is an important question to the extent that on the solution

But however of this problem vill depend the future of the United Nations, important the question may be politically and for the future of the United Nations, our attempts should be aimed at finding as simple a solution to thia question as possible. We accept and recognize one China and the fact of the international situation is that the Government of the People's Republic of Chics is the only Government entitled to represent Chins in the United Nations,

In the last analysis, the whole question sinners down to one of accreditation. For this reason, my delegation feels obliged to vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.932 and Add.1. Moreover, that draft resolution very thinly disguises the consistantly negative political approach of its sponsors to the question of China's lawful repensantation.

These considerations would guide our vote also on the "study comitte draft resolution submitted by Belgien, Chile, Italy, Luxembourg and the

"lands. We voted against the proposal which von submitted in exactly the same for last year. While believing in the sincerity of the authors of that proposal, my delegation will vote against it again because we feel that, sa the facts of the chas clearly indicate, immediate action rather than study, which is bound to delay action, is needed.

Proceeding from this theory and looking at reality, no fùr as my delegation is concerned there is only one way to solve the question of Chiness representation. That can be done by restoring all the rights of China in the ikited Nations and ita related agencies to the Government of the People's Republic of China, which is the only Government commanding the confidence and obadiance of the Chinese people.

The absence of the People's Republic of political affectiveness of the United Nations.

ink has weakened the moral and

We believe that the United Nations For most of us, particularly the mall should be universal in ita neebership, developing countries, who look upon the United Nations as the santipal of our sovereign existence, this lack of universality cuts at the root of our faith in the system of collective peace and security established under the Charter.

1

If this system is to be workable, it is necessary, indeed imperative, that the Fights of the People's Republic of China should be restored in the United

stione. As His Majeaty King Mahendrs stated in his recent address to the General Assembly, this restoration is necessary as much to correct an injustice as to make our Organization more effectiva.

For the resona which I bave outlined, my delegation will vote in favour of the eleven-Power draft resolution contained in document A/L.531.

Mr. RAKOTOMALALA (Madagascar) (interpretation from French): It is hardly necessary to stress the importance of the question now under consideratim by the General Assembly, the eloquent and often impassioned statements that we have heard in favour of or against the expulsion of the Republic of Chin for in the final amlysts that is vist this debate is really about mike

it quite clear that we are facing a turning point fraught with conséquences for the future of the Organization, and perhaps for the peace of the world.

Our Organization has decided each year that any vote on this subject, in view of its importance, should be taken only by a two thirda mjority. Bowing to that verdict, my delegation vill continue to abide by that decision, unless serious new developments lend the General Assembly to change it. One cannot contemplate voting hastily, with an ambiguous asjarity, on the draft resolutions submitted for our approval, which no rhetorical exercise could possibly persuade us to regard as simply matters of procedure. The two thirda jority rule is not, noreover, a provision that was created for a special purpose. It is enshrined and spalled out explicitly in Article 18 of the Charter,

which is binding on us all.

+

Having stated thật vlow, my delegation would like, as briefly as possible,

to analyse the proposals before us.

First, there is at the base of it all a false problem, because the People's Republic of China bàs at no time show its desire to sit suong us and to take its place as a regular Member of our Organization, ready not only

to accept the privileges of membership but also to assume the responsibilities. Those responsibilities are set forth in Articles 1 to 4 of the Charter. Article 2 lays down as essential conditions and mutes of

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(Mr. Rakotomaiala, Madagascar)

conduct: the commitment to safeguard international peace and security, the

renunciation of the threat or use of force, respect for the integrity of all States, and so forth. It is necessary for a State, from the moment that it sits daong us, solemnly to undertake to conform to those conditions. Such An undertaking has never been given to us either by the People's Republic of China or by those who request that it should be seated among us, And the events of the last six years and are not such as to assure us that those provisions of the

Charter will be the rule of conduct of that State.

We have said that it is a false probles, at least in the form in which it has been presented, For what is also requested in the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531 is the immediate expulsion of the representatives of the Republic of China, which, since the founding of our Organization, has represented

the Chinese people here.

Now how could auch an expulsion be justified in law and in justice? The Republic of China, after years of struggle which in fact has not yet come an end, has of course lost control of the continent, but it is still on Chinese territory. It administers the Chinese province of Taiwan with competence, and there is no need for me to recount again here the spectacular successes it ina schieved in that province, which in the course of eighteen years has become rich and prosperous. Many of the previous speakere tave given very impressive details on that matter and have been able to my, without fear of contradiction, that the living standard there is very high and that Taiwan is, after Japan, one of the most advanced and prosperous Asian countries.

Anyone who has visited Taiwan con bear witness to the order which exists

there, Look elected assemblies run the effeirs of the province. The excesses

of a fanatic youth which, in certain parts of continental Chim, has suppressed all lav, freedom and order, are unknown there.

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(Mr. Rakotomalala, Madagascar}

So here are two Governments, both installed in Chinese territory and oth claiming that the struggle is still going on. Bow can the United Nations throw the weight of its authority on one side or the other of the balance and decree that one of these Governments will be the only representative of the Chinese people, while expelling that Goverment which for eighteen years has carried out its representation with dignity? Can such a gesture, which would remind us of the "woe to the vanquished" of Brennus, be carried out by our Organization which is devoted to justice when the Chinese people, who alone can determine who is to represent them, ie not

in a position freely and openly to express their vill? Have elections ever taken place under the Peking régime which might have permitted the great Chinese people to exercise their right to self-determination? This alone would provide valid grounds for those who call for the expulsion of the Republic of China and would give them a juridical basis for their thesis.

The excessive language of the People's Republic of China, its clear contempt for the United Nations, its clearly expressed reluctance to sit in this Organization unless it does so on conditions which it will itself impose, its threat to create a rival organization, its conduct toweda other Asian countries, even those who have shown friendship towards it, its interference in the internal affairs of other States, is all this, I ask you in good faith, compatible with the ideals of our Organization?

Would we not be tolling the knell of this Organization if, by weakness, by apathy, we did not remain firm in our determination to apply all the provisions of the Charter to all States, great or small?

The pressble of the Charter of San Francisco contains stipulations which must be, for all Members of the United Nations, an inflexible rule of conduct, particularly:

"To establish conditions under which justice

can be maintained,

"To promote better standards of life in larger freedom, "To practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another

as good neighbours."

RSH/Jw

A/PY.2606

17

RSH/jv

(Mr. Rakotomalala, Madagascar)

A/PV.3605

18

(Mr. Berard, France)

My country, which geographically is very distant from China, i interested in the problem of its representation because this is a matter of the exercise one of the fundessental rights of all Members of this Organization and one which affects International peace and security,

Moreover, several thousands of Chinese live in Madagascar in peace, and work in very close fraternity with the people of Madagascar in building a better life. Most of thes have put down roots there, I can assure you that these Chinese will never agree to giving their allegiance to a régine where no freedom is possible, where most of the conventions of the civilized world are no longer respected, where diplomats are insulted and ignominiously beaten, and where the excernen of

the Red Guards replace law and order.

How can we contemplate voting for a resolution which, like that proposed in document A/L.531, would have the legal consequence of placing under the control of such a régine afllions of Chinese who have fled from the mainland, those who live in the province of Taivan and other countries and who, having once tasted

liberty, would risk being condeaned to despair,

This would be auch a grave violation of the principle of self-determination that it would be the very negation of all the moral values for which my country and so many others wished to struggle in joining this Organization.

For all these reasona, my delegation will vote for draft resolution A/1.532 and against draft resolution A/L. 531.

Mr. BERARD (France) (Interpretation from French): The position of France in regard to the problem of the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations ressins unchanged, This position vas stated on 10 and 17 November 1965, as well as on 22 November 1966, in the course of the twentieth and twenty-first sessions of this Assembly. In the circumstances, my delegation dems it superfluqus to give a further account of the ressone which justify our position. It will suffice to recall the essential argumente.

We consider that the People's Republic of China must have its lawful rights restored in the United Nations. It is a founding Maber of this Organization and a permanent member of the Security Council, and thus it sharen with others the major responsibility for the maintenance of international peace

:

:

I

1

and security, This responsibility devolves not on a Government but on

a State, whatever may be ita political régime. Evidence and reason indicate

that this Chine is the one which is represented by the Government of the

People's Republic.

From this evidence it follows that what the Assembly has to do is not to

adult a new State and far less to recognize a Government, but to make sure that

properly accredited representatives, in law and in fact, represent a State

which is a Neuber of the United Nations, the People's Republic of China,

In addition, the question which is the subject of the present debate is not an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter,

and should be decided by a simple majority and not by a two-thirds sajority.

For these reasons, my delegation will vote against draft resolution A/L.532.

which would decide the question by a qualified majority, and will vote in

favour of draft resolution A/L.531 which, despite certain reservations arising out of its operative part, is in accord with our position of principle. Furthermore, my delegation, for the same reasons, will be compelled to vote egainst draft resolution A/L.533, which would set up a committee to study a question which in our opinion has but one solution, namely, the restoration of China to its rightful place.

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19-20

HY, MALECELA (United Republic of Tanzania): Before I begin my statement on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, I should like to point out that this Assembly for the leat eighteen years has heard a number of arguments, some of which are not really arguments that should be raised in

this Assembly. For instance, we have been told that Talven has been a Hember of the United Nations since the signing of the Charter. But it was not Taivan that signed the Charter, it was the People's Republic of China, with 700 million people, which signed the Charter, We have been told that Taivan is highly developed, I wonder whether development really should be a qualification for membership in the United Nations.

We have been told that Taiwan is democratic. Since when have we had to ask countries what kind of Government they have before they vere admitted to the United Nations of course, we have been told that Taiven han

relations with sany Members of the United Nations. I wonder when it has

been thought that a country had to be admitted to the United Nations simply because it had relations with so many other Member States.

ET/IM

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(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)

On the other hand, we are told that the People's Republic of China 18

not peace-loving. Of course, in my statement I shall endeavour to point out that in fact the contrary is true. We have been told that diplomats are being beaten in China. I say with all sincerity that in this same year ve have

read many stories from many other parts of the world where diplomats, including diplomats from the People's Republic of China, have been mistreated. We have been told that China is not peace-loving. I shall endeavour in my statement to point out that it is not a question of being peace-loving because in this very Assembly we have countries which are far indeed from being peace-loving nations,

For the past eighteen years the General Assembly of the United Nations has set to consider, in one session after another, whether the levful rights

of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations should be restored. During all those eighteen years the results and achievements of that consideration have been a matter of diagracs and completely unworthy

of the dignity of this great Organization. That has not been so because all the members of the United Nations have known anything that would verrant a constant campaign to exclude the representatives of the People's Republic of China from this Assembly and the other organs of the United Nations. The starile stalemate on this matter has been caused by a handful of States, led by the United States of America, which have used all means available to them to prevent the People's Republic of China from exercising its lawful. rights in this Organization.

The position of the Tanzanian delegation and that of the Government and people of Tanzania has been stated on the various occasions on which this item has come up for discussion. When my delegation made its statement in the general debate during the present session our position was reiterated again, In brief, we stated:

"Tanzania has called for, and will continue to demand that the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization be restored. This must be without any conditions, Taiwan cannot claim to represent the wishes of the 700 million people of China. The truth of this fact must be faced. The United Nations makes itself ridiculous

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(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)

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(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)

by pretending that Taivan la China. In the view of the Tanzania

delegation there is only one China and that is the People's Republic of China; and Taiwan is a part of it. The restoration of the lawful.

rights of the People's Republic of China... cannot be regarded as a privilege to be dangled before the eyes of that sovereign State and with intolerable conditions attached." (1583rd meeting, fr. 63-65) I have restated these views so that there may be no misunderstanding

to the position of the Government and people of the United Republic of

Tanzania. First, we have rejected the so-called "two-Chines" policy which

is being steadily advertised by some delegations. In our view it is a

dangerous policy whose adu da to divide the sovereign State of Chine into

two States. Secondly, it is our firm conviction that any decision to

restore the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China must be without

any conditions, The criteria for that restoration are already there; they

emmerated in the various articles of the Charter of the United Nations.

Indeed, the People's Republic of China has already fulfilled all those

conditions of membership. It is already a Member,

It is already a Member, but its lawful rights those of participation and representation -- have been violated by Taiwan,

which is a province of China,

Talvan has managed to do this not because of its own ability but because its illegal behaviour has bem, chespioned by the United States and

those who toe its line. The followers of Chiang Kai-shek are here because the United States says that they must be here. Chiang Kai-shek is in Taiwan

because the United States has soon fit to maintain his there, And in order

to justify that deplorable behaviour the United States and its followers

have come up constantly with curious and ingenuous arguments, the illegalities

of which have always been covered by a maze of absurd arguments and diplomatic and political zigserole. One of those maive argumente is that

the People's Republic of China is not peace-loving and therefore cannot exercise its lawful rights in this Organisation, but the people who put forward those arguments are the very people who should have been expelled from this Organization if those same arguments which they are now employing against the People's Republic of China were valid. The terrible conflict

in Viet-Nam is a supreme example of the most outrageous and heartless riolation of the principles of the Charter ever known to this Organization since its birth in 1945. Every hour of the day all the year round the world is informed with a great fanfare from the Pentagon and the United States Press of how many villages have been bombed and defenceless children and

vosen mutilated, all under the pretence of the defence of freedom and Justice, The attempt to annihilate the Viet-Nemese people has been a shook to the world. Those bravest of people are nessacred, under different descriptions, in their hundreds daily and their land is showered with bombs more mmerous and more deadly in accuracy than Hitler's Germany ever experienced.

What irony that those who commit naked aggression against the people of Viet-Now, those invisible Governments which interfere flagrantly in the domestic affairs of Member States in complete contravention of the Charter and the many resolutions of the Assembly, those who unashamedly practise subversion, should have the temerity to lay down "peace-loving" conditions for other members to observe, the malicious allegations and slander levelled

at the People's Republic of China by thosé States remind us of the behaviour of a runaway thief vho, in an atten; t to divert the attention

of his pursuers, cries "Thier".

The people and the Government of Tanzania harbour no hostility tovards any people. In expressing our opposition to the hostile policies of the Goverment of the United States we are resinded of the principles to which the people of the United States are known to be committed and for which they shed their blood in 1776. As the President of the United Republic of Tanzania stated recently:

The United States must recover from the delirium of power, and return to the principles upon which her nation was founded," On 1 October 1949, Chaiman Hạo proclained the establishment

of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China. That was done after many years of hard fighting to end tyranny, oppression and exploitation and to put a stop once and for all to one of the most notorious

avils of imperialism. The establishment on that day of a new Government in

A

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EH/VM

(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)

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(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)

It was a revolution

China was the culmination of the people's revolution, after a thorough defest of Chiang Kai-shek and his imperialist masters. which, in the words of its own leaders, vas aimed at making China a nation of people who would never again be insulted. Yet the United States has been spending considerable material resources and talents throughout all these eighteen years in an attempt to convince the world that China had no right to change her Government.

In the past there have been proposals that a study should be made to find solution to this question. It has been suggested that the Members of this Assembly should find out whether the People's Republic of China was really interested in the United Nations. Others have laid the blene on China and said that China had isolated itself. All those ideas are, to say the least, fazaa saving ideas and they have one basic aim. Their intention is to postpone the issus from one year to the next. The idea of a study or a committee to find cut whether the People's Republic of China wants to be represented and to participate in the work of this Organization is not a new idea. Such suggestions have been mooted since 1950. Ever since then there bave been muuasrous writings all purporting to make a study of the matter. Those representatives who are so keen on studies must know very well that this is a well-trodden path. They might begin with the article by Mr. Myres 8. McDougal and Mr. Richard H. Goodman in the American Journal of International Law, vol. 60, no. 4, October 1966.

In the view of the delegation of Tanzania there is nothing to be studied.

The United Nations will have to We repeat, there is nothing to be studied.

face the truth of this matter and sccept reality. It must be realized that one of the most powerful nations on earth bes not been allowed to be represented in this Organization. Because of that, one of the principles which is necessary for the proper functioning of the Charter system has been compromised; the principle of the universality of representation.

Again, it must be realized that the failure of the League of Nations wea to a large extext attributable to the fact that a powerful nation did not participate in its work. We must therefore ponder very seriously the consequences of the disgraceful behaviour of those Hembers which try to keep postponing this matter by bringing before this Assembly ridiculous suggestions which are a more restatement of past failures. If the United Nations is to anke any progress in its endeavours to find a persament solution to such problems sa disarasment and the non-proliferation of muclear weapons it must first of all recognize that sil nations must participate in those endeavours, otherwise all efforts to that and will meet with disastrous failure, with tragle consequences thich all of us will certainly live to regret if we live at xl2.

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EH/vm

Mr. Malecela, Tanzania

It is the firm hope of my delegation that those counties which have always maintained their negative posture will see reason, and change their

attitudes this year. They would not only be doing a goud service to their

countries and to the United Nations but also they would have advanced one step further the cause of justice, pesce and security for mankind.

MY, MILLER (New Zealand): There has been no change in Rew Zealand's

position on the question we are now considering, the representation of China in the United Nations. Nothing that has happened this year inside China or

outside China has inclined us to consider any reversal or modification of our

policy.

We accept the fact that the Peking Government la the effective goverment of the mainland of China, although we are bound to yonder at present just bew

fully effective and united that authority really is and by whom it is exercised. We recognize that mainland China's voice must be heard on questions in which its

interests are involved. We would not contend that the major problems

disturbing Asia and the world at large can be peacefully settled without the peaceful contribution of the world's most populous nation to their solution. We do not close our eyes to the facts, but those facts include the existence of

• Republic of China as well as of a "People's Republic of China". They include also policies and attitudes of the two, including their attitude to the United Nations and to representation in the United Nations.

Because of those very facts we are not prepared to support the entry of Comunist China into the United Nations on a bɛɛia that would acknowledge right it claims to attempt to seize Taiwan by force, that would be at the expense of the representation here of the Republic of China or that would jeopardize the right of the people of Taiwan to have a voice as to their future,

I have said that nothing that has happened has inclined us to zodify our policy. Certainly it seems to my delegation that recent events inside China can offer Hittle confort to those who argue Communist China's cause in this Assembly. Those events are surely relevant to what we are discussing here. do not pretend to comprehend fully the origins er the course of the great proletarian cultural revolution. It strikes us es being neither great nor

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A/PV.1606

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(Mr. Miller, Kew Zealand)

proletarian, neither cultural for a revolution. Its very name, high-sounding

it may be, appears in fact to be a compendious description of the confusion and turmoil into which mainland Chins has been plunged. With an intensity varying from month to month, it has been accompanied by armed claabes and violence, the extremism of the Red Guards, the rejection of old values and even of dubious new ones and factional struggles for power.

If the Albanian resolution, sponsored this year by eleven countries were

to be accepted, what representatives would be seated? Who would they represent and for how long? We do not know, but what we see does not prompt us to nova towards support for the Albanian approach.

By contrast, the Republic of China has continued to be stable and progressive, and we adhere to the belief that it should continue to be represented here.

Nothing that has happened outside China has inclined us to modify our position. Throughout the part year Communist China has continued to exert an ominous influence in its own region and beyond it. It recognizes only two views of the world: its own view and a wrong view, whether bald by the "revisionists", sa it calls them, or the "imperialists", whom it denounces with equal vehemence, It has seemed intent on prolonging the North Viet-Nanese aggression and frustrating any hope of bringing about a negotiated settlement in Viet-Nam. It bas pressed ahead with the development of nuclear weapons when the rest of the world was seeking ways of limiting the muclear threat. It has frequently brought to its relations with other States, Communist and non-Communist, aligned and non-aligned alike, a mixture of truculence and arrogance that makes normal inter-governmental contact wall-nigh impossible.

At different times in the past year one of its neighbours has spoken of its "chauvinism and great power course", another of its "madness, discourtesy and subversion", others of its "extraordinary act of interference in our internal affairs", of its "destructive attitude", of its "actively interfering in internal affairs". What canons of conduct has this Government followed in the past year?

Not, it would seem, those which the Charter requires of Heeber States of this

Organization.

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(Mr. Miller, New Zealand)

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A/PV.1606 32-35

(Mr. Miller, New Zealand)

Against this background, it is hardly surprising that the supporters of the Albanian proposal have been unable to give any appearance of conviction to the arguments they have adduced this year. It is as if they acknowledge that their amual ritual vill fall again at this session as it has in the part. In addition to this, now routine, proposal, we have before us a draft resolution (A/L.533) submitted by five countries and introduced by the representative of Italy. That proposal, which the Assembly considered for the first time at its last regular session, would open the way for a full study of the problem in all its aspects. We do not underestimate the difficulties of such a study nor overestimate the prospects of concrete results. The Italian draft resolution draws our attention to the principles of the Charter, the sin of univarsality, the desirability of strengthening the United Nations, the political realities of the area, and the need for an equitable and practical solution. These aims will not be easily achieved or reconciled, and the draft acknowledges that the most searching consideration will be needed before any conclusions can be reached. The proposal could lead to a greater understanding of this complex and difficult issue to which there may be no saxy solution but to which there is certainly no solution at all in the standard Albanian draft resolution. Last year New Zealand voted for the proposal and we shall give it full consideration again this year.

- 7

My delegation has joined with fourteen others in sponsoring draft resolution A/L.532, which would have this Assembly reaffirm the validity of the decision that a change in the representation of China would be an important question in

the existence terms of Article 18 of the Charter. The facts that I have cited of a Republic of China and a "People's Republic of China", together with the policies they have pursued support this decision which is, indeed, no more than a colon sense one. In our submission, it is logical and correct that this draft resolution should be voted on before the vote is taken on any substantive proposal made under this item, and we therefore support the motion made by the representative of Australia in his statement of 21 November.

!

This question is one of concern to all Members of the United Nations but,

in particular, to the Hember States from Axia and the Pacific. We have considered

with the utmost care all aspects of the problem in the light of the wide-ranging

cussion of the question at the last Aarembly and we have taken full account

of the views and experience of those who would be most directly affected if

there were to be any change in representation. It was after such full consideration that New Zealand renewed its decision to co-sponsor draft resolution A/1.532 and to vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531.

Mr. TCHERNOUCHTCHENKO (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): The position of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist

Republic on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the

People's Republic of China in the United Nations is well known. For many years

our Republic has unswervingly been in favour of seeing to it that the representatives of the People's Republic of China and not the representatives of the bankrupt Chiang Kai-shek clique participated in the work of the United Nations and its organe.

Speaking in defence of the universality of the United Nations, the

delegation of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic proceeds from the

premise that the Member States of the United Rations cannot fail to reckon

with the well-known facts and events and with the changes which took

place in the life of the Chinese people in October 1949, We cannot fail to

■ the absurdity of a position where so far we find gentleman from the island

of Taiwan illegally sitting in the United Nations and its organs.

Our delegation has been and is still against the false theory of the "two

H

Chinue"

L

At previous sessions of the General Assembly the delegation of the

Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republie has been in favour of the restoration

of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations

and its related organa, and accordingly is for stripping the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique of all rights in the Organization, and for their

expulsion from the United Nations and from all related institutions.

In accordance with this position the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic vill vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/1-531, and will vota against the draft resolutions of the Western Powers contained in documents A/L.532 and A/L.533.

PKE/po

A/PV.1606

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FKB/p

A/PV.1606

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Mr. PANYARA CHUN (Thailand): Once again the question of the

epresentation of Chim in the United Nations comes up for consideration in

the General Assembly. The Thai delegation vould like, first of all, to

present some viewpointa vidch we have considered and continue to consider

to be fundamental to the issue under discussion.

The Thai delegation continues to be unconvinced by the assertion which

is still voiced by a good many delegations that the question of the representation

of Ching in the United Nations is merely a matter of procedure or of verification

of credentials and, therefore, should be sussarily treated as such. We would have thought that after the eighteen long years through which this question

has been considered at each session of the General Assembly, as well as in

umerous other forums related to the United Nations, there would at least have

emerged a general consensus that this question is one of a political and legal

nature which has profound significance and bears far-reaching consequences

not only for the vital structure of our Organization but also for the peace

and stability of the entire world and especially for the pesce and security

of the regions of South and South-east Asia,

The delegation of Thailand has joined with fourteen other delegations in co-sponsoring draft resolution A/L.532 in order to reaffirm the "important" nature of the question of representation of Chine, We have no doubt in qu

wind se to the obvious validity of the assertion in the aforesaid draft

resolution and we expect that the logic and reality implicit in its argument

vill find overwhelming support among the Members of our Organization, We

have also taken note that in paragraph 1 of the explanatory memorandus

accompanying the request for inclusion of the present item, the co-sponsors

have explicitly stated that this question is "vital for the future of the

Organization". A great deal has been said in the present debate on this question about the need to establish and face "reality" in this matter.

The delegation of Thailand is convinced that the first and foremost reality to

face in this question is its undoubted degree of importance to the United

Mations and the world sa a whole, He also believe that when the authors of

the rter and ruler of procedure of the United Nations decreed a two-thirds

majority for certain decisions of an important nature, they did so in order

1

(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)

to establish a guarantee that any decision of momentous significance should, and would, hava ita validity fully tested before being allowed to affect the Organization and the world. We contend, therefore, that a just and durable solution to such a question as the representation of Chine could only be found when all sides in the contention sbell have come to accept the reality of the supreme importance of its nature, For the same reasons, any solution which evades those two factors is bound to be fragile and artificial as vall as likely to have adverse effects for the Organization and the world as a whole. The second point at issue in this question which the delegation of Thailand wishes to reffim is that its position evolves around the often

Let me cited concept of universality of membership of the United Nations, state at the outset that Thailand is by no means against the concept of universality and our records on the question of membership stand as a clear evidence of our praition in this matter, We are, however, not saive enough to accept that this concept should be applied to the letter in all cases of membership of the United Nations, nor are we so shortsighted as not to be able to see the various difficulties inherent in settling the issue of membership of such entities as divided States, neutral States and even micro-States which presently draw the concern of the Secretary-General.

Basing our position

once again, therefore, on establishing and facing reality in the matter, we could recognize only one negative certainty, that the concept of universality could not be used as a magical formula to dissolve all problems of membership of the United Nations. Instead, each and every case involving membership must be thoroughly considered in all its inherent and complicated facets, before a final conclusion could be renched,

For example, in the present issue of China's representation, if the substantive resolution A/L.531 were to be adopted, it would, in the first place, have the effect of expelling the Republic of China from the United Nations and all its organs. As the delegation of Thailand bea bad occasion to point out several times previously, the incontrovertible fact

matter

in this case is that the Republic of China, exercising affective control over some twelve million people who enjoy a high standard of life in a territory covering over fourteen thousand square miles, is, ipao nomine, a founding

PKB/

A/PV,1606

38

PKB/pa

(Mr. Fanvarachun, Thailand)

A/PV.1606 39-40

(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)

Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council and has throughout the years loyally discharged its obligations and responsibili in accordance with the Charter. The exemplary manner in which the Republic of China and its representatives have always conducted themselves in the United Nations has proved to be a vital cornerstone of its foreign policy and is extended to cover its conduct in the other spheres of diplomatic relations which it enjoys with the majority of nationa. Yet, the sponsors of draft resolution A/1.531 would wish to see the Republic of China erased summarily from the roll-call of thited Nations membership. Apart from going blatantly against Article 6 of the Charter which explicitly states that a Member State can be expelled only if it is persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter, the expulsion would also work directly against the ais of all-embracing universality.

The next point to be considered, if draft resolution A/L.531 vere to be passed, is the implicit invitation by the United Nations to the People's Republic of China to come and join the United Nations, not only as an ordinary Member State, but also as a permanent member of the Security Council. First of all in this matter, the delegation of Thailand wishes to register its perplexity at the technical validity of a clata to a vital membership of the United Nations raised, not by the authority which would assume the seat, but by

some Member States apparently acting on behalf of that authority, But what is more astonishing, and this raises the second point to be considered in this facet, is that the authority in question has not shown the slightest wish to come and participate in the work of our Organization. On the contrary, it has seen fit to heap abuses of the lowest sort on the United Nations. The delegation of Thailand has had opportunity to describe in detail in our statements in previous years, how the Peking authority has shown its contempt for our Organization and the personalities within it as well as how it has set

insulting and impossible conditions before it would deign even to consider

membership. Within the past year since this question has been considered in

the General Assembly, not the alightest sign has been detected of the weekening of the recalcitrant and abusive attitude of the Paking régime vis-à-vis the United Nations. The only variation may be in emphasis in a certain direction, as an article from the Beking People's Daily of 28 June 1967 summarized:

+

I

:

¦

"... In the past the United Nations was dominated by US imperialism alone,

but now it is under the joint domination of US imperialias and Soviet

revisionis, **

The main question to be considered in this facet, therefore, is whether

the United Nations would, first of all expel a loyal Member State, and then

go to offer vital membership to such an abusive authority, bearing in mind

also that the chances are very great that such an offer would be contemptuously

refused, There have been comments from some proponents of such a path that

the gesture would show magnaninity and enhance the dignity and reputation of

the United Nations, The delegation of Thailand believes, on the contrary

and we are convinced that our belief is shared by the majority of the United

Nations Members that such an action is injurious to the dignity and effective

functioning of the Organization and would undermine the faith and confidence

of Member nations in it.

---

With all the discussion around technicalities, legal rights and universality,

one tends to give too little significance to the supreme criterion in the

qualification of membership in any set of circumstances at any time, and

that is, whether the authority in question could comply with the spirit of

the Charter with its basis of a peace-loving intention. What faith and what

value could seall nations like my own, which form the great majority of the

membership, find in the United Nations if the basic drive of all United Nations

deliberations and actions is not to find a peaceful and just solution to all the problems. That is why all the main Articles of the Charter, particularly Articles 1, 2 and 4, which form the Purposes and Principles

of the United Nations, confirm this peace-loving qualification in several.

places and I need not take the time of the Assembly to cite them for they are

so well-known.

MP/1js

A/PV.1606

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(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)

MP/rje

A/PV.1606

42

(Mr. Fanyerechun, Thailand)

The sponsora of the inclusion of the present agenda item and of draft resolution A/L.531 are also conscious of the above criterion and have chosen to declare in their explanatory amorandum that:

the Government of the People's Republic of China has always followed a policy aimed at settling by peaceful meana ell disputes which may exist or arise between independent States." (A/6831, para. 4); that it, the People's Republic of China --

H

+

sarnestly desires peace and peaceful coexistence with all countydes on a basis of equality and mutual respect" (Ibid., para. 5); and that

H

the People'e Republic of China has always displayed full respect for

the independence and dignity of other countries." (Ibid., mary, 6)

A

The delegation of Thailand has had occasion in the past to expose how #imilar laudatory words about the People's Republic of thins have not been borne cut by the facts. On the contrary, the Peking région has always held fast to such of Mao Tse-tung's thoughts as "Political pover comes out of the barrel of a gun" and "The seizure of pover by armed force and the settlement of the Based image by war is the central task and the highest form of revolution, on such bellicose principles and consistent practices, the policy of the Peking régime has been to commit open aggression, indirect aggression and surbarsive activities everywhere in the world where It has been allowed to exert its influence. Numerous exposures of these insidious activities can be found in the records for all to see from various countries in Asia, Africa and even Latin America. The main target of this aggressive policy of the Paking régime, however, mast necessarily be our region of Asia, and especially

South-Buat Asia.

A review of the happenings of the last twelve months would indicate an intensification on a grand scale of that same policy. In fact, their blatent nature has become so obvious that even some socialist scholars and the

socialist Press have begin to recognise the facts of life in Asia for what they are. Let me quote you excerpts from an article dated 31 October of this year by Professor M. Ukraintsev of the Soviet Union, entitled "In the Footsteps of the Chinese Emperors".

¡

#

the

"If you visit the countries of South and South-East Asia,

Professor began "you will become sware of a feeling of anxiety there in conexion with the policy of Peking. This anxiety grows sa the

hegasonic alag of Mao and his group develop and their territorial claims

in South and South-East Asia beccas more apparent.

The Professor went on to reveal:

#

*Already in 1954, a book called, 1A Short History of Modern China' contained a tạp on which, under the general heading 'Chinese territories

annexed by the imperialists', the following independent countries vere

listed: the Mongolian People's Republic, Korea, Viet-Nan, Laos, Cambodia, Burma, Thailand, a part of the territory of India, the Ryukyu Islanda belonging to Japan, the Sulu Islands in the Philippines, etc. These

'discoveries' vere officially inspired,"

He stated further:

"According to Hao, It appears that the capture of Burma, Malaya,

Viet-Nan and other countries by the Western colonialista vas as set of

aggression directed against China and not at all against the peoples of those countries. And if we are to go by the logle of the present Chinese leaders, it appears that many countries which have von Independence have no right to an independent existence and must again come funder the protection of China'."

Such explicit analysis of Peking's aggressive and colonialist policy has been borne out by verbal and physical conflicts which have escalated in intensity and scope between the People's Republic of China and various other Asian countries such as Burma, Cambodia, India, Indonesia and Nepal. Radio Delhi on 5 July 1967, in commenting on the Indian note of protest to the Paling broadcasts of

28 and 30 June, made the following affirmations:

"Ho attempt has been made to conceal in the propaganda the aim of the ruling group in China today to subvert the Government of India, as well as the Governments of other Asian States who do not fall in line with ita

changing shims and fancies,

H

MP/xjs

A/PV.1606 43

HP/r.ja

(Mr. Panvarachum, Thailand)

Radio Moscow, in its international service on 6 September 1967, described

an article on Asian affairs in the nevepaper Investiya in the following terms:

"Ignoring the sovereignty of several neighbouring States, the

Mac group has decided to export Haoise.

The independent stand taken

by the leaders of several neighbouring countries which banned the propaganda

of Mao's teaching 'did not please Peking' and it took to the path of

open provocations. A feature of Peking'e new line is that the Maoiste

are resorting to open pressure and blackmail with respect to certain groupe

of Chinese minorities in South-East Asian countries, in an effort to

use them as plient tools to impose ita hegemony over the peoples and

Governments of those countries.

"Peking has resorted to provocation against Bupin, India, Singapore, Malaysia, Nepal and certain other countries...".

Even Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia, in his Press Conference on 11 September 1967,

admitted that the Chinese communista' activities in Cambodia directed by

Peking are "an extraordinary interference in the affairs of a sovereign State". His subsequent statements are also equally enlightening. In his Press Statement on 16 September, Prince Bihanouk said:

"I did not expect China to strike a blow at the Cambodia of Sihanouk

and provide such a thorough support for the local communiste against our régime and our people...".

Be went on to say:

"The Chinese Government has not always acted in accordance with the

five principles of peaceful coexistence set forth in Bandung...". Prince Sihanouk, of course, recognized and was fully eware of the ultimate

of the Peking régime in South-East Asia when he declared on the same

occasion:

"I vsa also surprised because the offensive came earlier than expected. I expected that compensation would come up ultimately, that is, only after the departure of the Americans from Indo-Chira...".

!

:

A/PV.1606 44-45

(Mr. Panyarachun. Thailand)

In view of those commentaries and the sources from which they emanated,

the delegation of Thailand can not but come to the very firm conclusion that

Me People's Republic of China in its present course of policy does not in any way deserve the epithet of "peace-loving", nor does it conform in any manner to

the purposes and principles of the Charter, and thus fails by a long way to

qualify for admission to membership in the United Nations.

In this connexion, the delegation of Thailand also rejects the contention of some advocates of Peking's admission that the barring of its entry by the United Nations has given a sense of isolation to the Peking régisé, vhịch în turn

has caused it to strike an aggressive and recalcitrant attitude. Its admission

to the United Nations, those advocates often go on to argue, would rid Paking

of the sense of isolation and transform it eventually into a peace-loving nation.

My delegation contends, in the first place, that the apparent isolation in

which the People's Republic of China could be said to find itself is not the

affect of any action by any world organization or any group of States or even

This by several individual States, but a deliberately self-imposed policy.

contention of ours seems to have found support in the Press Release dated 16 February 1967 of the Soviet Mission to the United Nations, wherein, page 9, it vas stated:

+ the Chinese leadership had to isolate its country to erect a 'Chinese

vall to keep its people away from the entire progressive world public...".

1

MW/1¢

A/PV.1606

46

MW/1c

A/PV,1506

47

(Mr. Parverachun, Thailand)

Radio Moscow on 24 July 1967 vu even more explicit and offered a more substantial reason. It sold:

"The current hostile and subversive campaign led by Peking sgainst China's neighbours, including Barta, India, Nepal, the Mongolian People's Republic, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, is not only aimed at drawing these countries into the orbit of Chinese domination, but also pursues concrete objectives upon China's domestic scene, Peking leaders want to make the people of China believe that they are surrounded by enemies, They want to educate the Chinese in the spirit of hatred for other peoples, which they hope will provide fertile soil for the ideas of great power chauvinism,

H

The

From the above, therefore, the delegation of Thailand very much doubts if representation in the United Nations would in any way lessen the isolationist

reference of the Government of the People's Republic of China, As for a possible meliorating effect, the Thai delegation does not believe the United Nations to be a reformatory school.

In the ultimate analysis of this question of the representation of China, an attempt must be made at the conjecture of the behaviour of the People's Republic of China if it were to be admitted into the functioning of our Organization. As I have already said early on in this statement how uniformity could be drawn from the perfect behaviour of the Republic of China in the United Nations and in its other shares of diplomatic activities a similar uniformity could be expected from the Peking régime. On immediately calls to mind the depredations committed by the followers of the >-called "Great Cultural Revolution" against the personnel of the various foreign Embassies, as vell as the unruly behaviour of the communist Chineas representatives abroad in total disrespect for the dignity and sovereignty of the foreign nations, These scenes have been variously described by the world press and their conte opera nature need not be elaborated upon here, Let na quote the conclusions draw in this direction by two Soviet professors

of law in an Izvestia article on 13 September 1967; in one place they described the Betions as follows:

1

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·

Mr. Penvarachun, Thailand)

"With the full connivance of the Chinese official authorities, in 1967 alone gross violations of diplomatic privileges and immunities vere perpetrated against the staff and Dabassies of Bulgaria, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Mongolia, India, Indonesia, Burua, France and Britain...

The article vent on to conclude that;

"

---

||

The Chinese authorities' position is an outright violation of generally recognized standards of international law, a manifestation

of great power chauvinim, an attempt at exerting pressure on and talking with foreign States from positions of strength, which has

nothing in common with international law,"

The foregoing shows the care which the delegation of Thailand has taken

Taken

in considering the question at issue in all its various faceta and in

drawing certain obvious conclusions from all those considerations.

together, those conclusions go to for our final decision that the case in favour of admitting the People's Republic of China to any sort of

membership of the United Nations is still far from adequate. Furthermore,

its admission at the expense of the Republic of China would add injustice

mmittee

or even immorality to inadequacy. We therefore have no hesitation in rejecting the draft resolution in document A/L.531; and, for the same reasons, we

cannot see any ground for establishing a United Nations study committee on this question, as proposed by the delegation of Italy and others in document A/L. 533. Neither can we see that, if established, such a could serve any really useful and practical purpose. In coming to a decision on both cases, however, we dem it fit that the "important question" rule should be applied and we sincerely recommend the draft resolution in document A/L. 532 for priority and adoption by the General Assembly.

Before I end my statement on the subject under discussion I should like to say a few words on a different matter, My delegation cannot help but express its disappointment once again at the tedious attempt of the representative of Cambodia to make a further slanderous statement against Thailand in the course of the present dabata.

I

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(Mr. Panvarachun. Thailand)

The Cambodian representative's habitual indulgence in polemics is

well known to us all and it came as no surprise to us when, in his wisdom,

he chose to resort again to this tactic. The conclusion which we can draw

from his statement is that he, unlike others, has been neither able nor

willing to cast aside the vestiges of his colonial upbringing and emerge as

a free and independent agent. Indeed the Cambodian representative has tried

his level best to emulate the methods of his new lord and master, the Peking

régime,in engaging in malicious verbal warfare, as well as in conducting

hostile activities against all its neighbours.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Before adjourning the

meeting I should like to remind Members of the Assembly of the announcement I made yesterday morning, namely, that if there is no objection the list of

speakers on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the

People's Republic of China in the United Nations will be closed tomorrow, Friday

24 November, at noon.

I should like to propose also that, subject to the assent of Members,

the Assembly should set a time-limit for for submitting draft resolutions or

amendments on this question. If delegations agree, the time-limit will be

Monday, 27 November, at noon.

The meeting rose at 12.25 p.".

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·

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UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ACSEMBLY

President:

68

A

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1603

RECEIVED "

21 November 196 ARCHIVES No 31

- 7DEC 1967

ENGLISH

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND

THIRD PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Tuesday, 21 November 1967, at 3 p.m.

Mr. MANESCU

(Romania)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations [93] (a), (b) and (c) (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 22 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 27 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70173

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TL/fw

A/PV. 1603 2

AGENDA ITEM 93

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS:

(a) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531); (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BLEGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL,

(c)

COLOMBIA, GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE

PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO and THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532

and Add.1)

DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXUMBOURG AND THE

NETHERLANDS (A/L.533) (continued)

Mr. ROUAMBA (Upper Volta) (interpretation from French): It is

now seventeen years that the so-called question of China has been on the agenda of the regular sessions of the General Assembly. This sad record of

longevity, in the blunt simplicity of its statement, reflects the

ineffectiveness and why not say it? the failure of our Organization in

the search for a lasting and final solution of this problem.

Despite the changes in political systems, political leaders and political

orientation in many Member States changes which could have suggested

the possibility of an infusion of new blood and therefore a somewhat

different appreciation of the various elements contributing to the international

climate the "question of China", like so many other taboo questions,

has always been dealt with in the same fashion and disposed of by

approximately the same majority of votes.

For

I am sure you will agree that this ritual is hardly stimulating.

this reason my delegation is primarily concerned with avoiding, as far as

possible, having the General Assembly travel the same roads as in the past, especially those that have already led to dead-ends because they were

characterized by vexatious recrimination and pointless vituperation rather

than by any spirit of good-will bent on finding a constructive solution

and achieving a final settlement.

TL/TW

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(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

By creating problems where none should exist, by seeking to beat all records for tenacity and perseverence, certain Member States may be running the risk of having the Assembly sitting in permanent session or devoting all the energies that might be employed elsewhere to keeping up the polemics, to reviving passions and widening divisions. The scant objectivity displayed in analysing the situation and the lack of clamness in the statements made so far in the debates cannot lead the Assembly to any just and lasting solution.

These things are what we fear.

My delegation deems it useful, by clarifying its position and indicating the reasons behind its action. to make its own modest contribution to the debate now taking place. We do this because we regard it as neither wise nor realistic nor even clever to pass over in discrete silence the behaviour

of more than one-fourth of mankind according to statistics difficult to verify particularly at a time when so many "sorcerer's apprentices" are so gravely threatening the peace of the world. We do this also because

the vital importance of the question is recognized by the majority of States Members. Indeed, at its sixteenth regular session the General Assembly expressly declared in resolution 1668 (XVI) that "any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question" under Article 18 of the Charter. This resolution was confirmed by resolutions 2025 (XX) and 2059 (XXI). We wish to cast a quick glance over the two halves of the picture that we must constantly keep before our eyes in seeking for a lasting

solution.

First of all, on the level of international law, my delegation believes that the problem is badly posed. The wording of the text seems to us debatable in both form and substance; furthermore, it contains an explosive charge, an obvious a priori judgement, a vexing presumption -- a great many defects that serve only to hinder any calm and thorough an examination of the matter.

Let us indeed consider the "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations", Such a wording cannot stand up under legal analysis. It supposes that there has been at least

TL/fw

A/PV.1603

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

a "mistake in identity", a "legal error", to employ modern legal jargon.

But for more than twenty years, ever since the historic gathering in

San Francisco in 1945, the disputed seat if it is disputed at all has

actually been occupied by the Republic of China. That country is, in addition,

a founding Member of the United Nations and a permament member of the

Security Council under Article 23 of the Charter. Can anyone then believe

that some indescribable blindness has taken possession of all those who

ever since the question was originally posed, have invariably replied that

there was no mistake in identity and that it is the Republic of China and

the Republic of China alone that should continue to occupy the seat in the

United Nation? By what convincing arguments can anyone challenge the judgement

of that comfortable majority which invariably pronounces itself against any

alteration in the representation of China in the United Nations? Those who submitted the explanatory memorandum in document A/6831 seem to us not

the least bit convincing. Let us therefore stop trying to tackle this question

by going up dead-end streets. Let us stop putting the cart before the

horse. Otherwise we shall have to revise the Charter, in the first place,

to question the annual reports of the Credentials Committee, to run the whole

film backward somehow to the very beginning of the session; for the vote

of the Republic of China has been counted every time a vote was taken, as

each of us can testify. In short, we shall have to blot out the fact that it is

this same Republic of China that has been and still remains a founding

Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council.

And after that, we could examine if that is the way to say it the right

of every Statu to be a member of the international community. It is obvious

that none among us would wish to be party to any such exercise. If the problem is presented thus, it is indeed insoluble.

These few preliminary considerations seem to us capable of clarifying

the discussion and placing it on a broader level, that of the philosophical

and ideological alternatives that continue to serve as a barometer for

And in this case, my delegation

assessing the facts of international life.

TL/fw

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5

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

would wish to state that, just as we do not presume to demand of anyone else that he think as we do, react as we do or regard the United Nations as we do, so too we have no intention of allowing anyone to force us into any particular philosophical or ideological choice. It is the principle of the sovereignty of States that is involved here.

BBS/vm

A/PV.1603 6

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

It might be replied that the defeat of the troops of General Chiang Kai-shek

by those of Mao Tse-tung, whatever its cause, and the withdrawal of Chiang Kai-shek

to the island of Formosa with the remainder of his army, the heads of his party,

the Kuomintang, and his parliament, fully justify re-opening the question of the

legitimacy of the claim of the Republic of China that it is the genuine

representative of all of China, But this interpretation, which is an abuse of an

historical fact over which we have no control, will not persuade us to vote for the

so-called "restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China" by

expelling the Republic of China, and choosing Mao against Chiang Kai-shek, for this

is not the exile of a sovereign who thinks that he has lost a battle but not the

war. Let us not forget that Formosa is an integral part of the territory of China.

Let us therefore proceed by stages. Let us examine the question on our agenda

only when the Republic of China has ceased to exist as a sovereign State. For its

part, my delegation harbours no illusions regarding the highly improbable nature

of that sinister forecast; it believes that reality here goes beyond fiction,

However, the fact is that the two parts of China remain in a state of belligerence.

Why should the United Nations choose one of the parties, and precisely the party

that is continually threatening peace in the area? Why should the United Nations expel the party that gives proof of peace and co-operation in our international

community?

With respect to legality, we would find it difficult to deny a lawful seat to the Republic of China and to attribute it exclusively to the People's Republic

of China. The Republic of China legally does not constitute a Government in

exile; on the contrary, Marshall Chiang Kai-shek has scrupulously maintained a

government which functions on Chinese territory. To recognize him does not

detract from our courage or from our honesty. Furthermore, the National Assembly

of the Republic of China remains as it was the last one to be democratically elected by secret and free universal suffrage in 1948 by all of China, On the

other hand President Mao Tse-tung has not yet consulted the people through

elections, Nationalist China, represented in fact and in law by the Government

of President Chiang Kai-shek, exists, even though its territory has been restricted

in size. As a comparison, the surface area of the Republic of Upper Volta is half

BBS/vm

A/PV.1603

7

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

that of the state of Texas, and it has a population one-fortieth that of the

l States. And yet the United Nations and the world have decided that our

vote should weigh the same as that of our eminent alphabetical neighbour. Other

examples would be even more eloquent.

My delegation would like to avoid undertaking here a comprehensive

examination of the internal situations prevailing in the two parts of China. We continue to believe that each state, each national entity, each people, is free to choose its own régimes and institutions. Furthermore, we believe that this is

a good thing. We respect the principle of non-interference in the domestic

affairs of States. The popular communes, the great proletarian cultural

revolution, the truths of yesterday's masters becoming falsehoods for those of

today, the purges and demonstrations of the Red Guard all of this, in our view,

constitutes an attempt at readjustment on which we wish to make no public

pronouncement.

But this analysis leads my delegation not to say "yes" to Peking.

This wording does not stand up to an objective analysis from the legal

standpoint, nor does it stand up to confrontation with the provisions of the Charter.

Certain passages of the explanatory memorandum published in document A/6831 are

not reliable. We will not dwell on those that appear to be subjective judgements,

declarations of intention, pious hopes or propaganda statements. They are as

revealing of a state of mind as is a good deal of the advertising material with

which the world is so free, We can retain the following simple comments.

There is no provision in the Charter regarding the rights of States that are

not yet members of the United Nations. No State is qualified to claim rights alone either by passing over in silence its obligations with respect to the

Charter or by proclaiming its intention to violate those rights and to create

"a more revolutionary United Nations". Let us first stress our obligations with

respect to a praiseworthy institution which has so far succeeded in overcoming

great perils.

Let us avoid anything that might lessen its effectiveness and its

moral authority. Let us therefore propose nothing before actually belonging to the

United Nations.

The authors of the Charter

being admitted to membership here

the Charter which each State must approve before

created the United Nations not on the basis

of universality but of selectivity. Let us not reproach them today for having

BHS/vm/jpm

A/PV.1603

8-10

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

wished to be realistic first. The United Nations is an association of States guided

by the same ideals, within which individual States must act jointly to seek common

objectives. Article ↳, which states the conditions for admission; article 5, when deals with the suspension of a Member State; and article 6, which provides for the

expulsion of a Member State these articles are eloquent in this connexion.

Finally, there are States which are not members of the United Nations even

though they apparently comply with the provisions of the Charter. This proves that

the United Nations is neither a tribunal nor an instrument in the hands of the

mighty; this proves that the United Nations is not excluding any State in the world.

To enter the United Nations it is first necessary to fulfil, and undertake to fulfil

the provisions of the Charter. But to agree to revise the Charter because Peking

establishes this as a condition for its admission would be to open the door to all

kinds of bargaining. There is no indication, moreover, that such a new Charter

would have the blessing of the one that so scornfully denigrates the one we have.

How can we then, in this context, restore the lawful rights of a State which has never at any time or in any way, informed us that it intended to become a

member of the international community? How can we reconcile with the Charter the

fact that the sponsor has no one to sponsor? Can we wipe the slate clean of the conditions set by Peking which are unacceptable because they are gratuitously

insulting before it will consent to join our great family?

family? Can we deny the fact

that those conditions are not only inadmissible but are also accompanied by

declarations of intention that are, to say the least, disquieting for the United

Nations? If an individual Member State deliberately violates the fundamental laws

of the Organization, that does not necessarily result in a decisive blow against the

existence of our Organization. The examples which unfortunately illustrate this

state of affairs become more numerous each year. But this situation would become

fraught with consequences if it were the United Nations itself which, by agreeing to

the admission of the People's Republic of China under conditions of which we are all

aware, deliberately violated its own regulations and norms through a concern to make

room for 700 million persons, without whose presence, we are told, no major problem

of our time can be solved. What guarantee have we that, by some kind of sorcery,

satisfactory solutions will be found to the major problems as soon as Mao Tse-tung

replaces Chiang Kai-shek in our Organization?

RSH/eh

A/PV.1603

11

(Mr. Rouamba. Upper Volta)

That is why my delegation believes that the General Assembly going beyond

te level of partisan positions and of emotional reflexes, and even beyond a

legalism which, while useful as a point of reference, might at times be abstract

should consider the facts with courage, lucidity and objectivity and draw the

proper consequences from them. The Assembly must avoid any substantial

mortgaging of the future. It must not forsake too hastily its legendary prudence

and wisdom.

Finally, the statements of Peking itself are very disquieting to us.

delegation cannot accept as conditions for the admission of Peking:

My

The withdrawal of the 1950 resolution condemning the People's Republic of

China as the aggressor in Korea; we do not see by what process such an act would

be possible;

The adoption of a resolution recognizing the error committed at that time by

the United Nations; we cannot be asked to turn back the course of history;

A complete revision of the Charter; certain preliminary precautions would

have to be taken;

And, above all, the expulsion of the Republic of China; that would be at

once unjustified and illegal.

My delegation cannot accept either the still undenied statement echoed in the People's Daily of 28 June 1967 as follows:

"Facts without number show that the United Nations is the instrument

of American imperialism in its counter-revolutionary double game, and the

instrument of the Soviet revisionist clique in the double counter-

revolutionary game which it is carrying on in concert with American

imperialism.

"The United Nations has done much harm, and it is incapable of doing

anything good for the simple reason that it has become the place where the

great Powers carry out among themselves their infamous jobbery, and the

instrument of the power politics of the United States and the USSR. There

was a time when the United Nations was dominated by American imperialism

alone; today it is dominated by American imperialism and Soviet revisionism

together."

RSH/eh

A/PV.1603

12

(Mr. Rouamba. Upper Volta)

Other statements are even more revealing.

Nations, Chou En-lai said:

When Indonesia left the United

"By deciding to withdraw Indonesia from the United Nations,

President Sukarno has opened the eyes of the peoples. They have

realized that the United Nations, where Yankee imperialism pulls the

strings, is in no way sacrosanct, and that it is perfectly possible to oppose the United Nations and to withdraw from it that it is not at all essential to belong to it. It might be worth while setting up

another united nations, a revolutionary united nations, to compete with the Organization which calls itself the United Nations Organization but which can do only harm and nothing good."

The firmest denial was not long in coming: Indonesia resumed its place among us. Just as we regretted its departure, so we applauded its return to and its enlightened participation in our work.

But how can we rejoice when nations interrupt the dialogue? In this particular context, and desiring a thorough revision of Peking's policy towards the United Nations, my delegation retains the disagreeable impression that the consideration of the so-called question of China has been distorted by emotional reflexes and the lingering bitter taste of the worst moments of the cold war. The examination of the question is distorted also because the great Powers, on which, once more, this essentially depends, and the small Powers, the rank and file, have not reached an agreement to delete this question from the agenda of our sessions. Once again we wish to make a solemn appeal that we all write our efforts and our influence so as to put an end to this tragic rendezvous which is to the detriment of the third world, so that the right of each national entity to safeguard its unity and to live in peace and fraternity

with the rest of the world may prevail.

These reflections lead my delegation not to say "Yes" to Peking.

The second half of the picture opens with a very brief analysis of the international situation on which ultimately depends the answer of each State to the question which has been posed. What do we say?

RSH/eh

A/PV.1603

13

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

The eternal problem of the divided countries appears woven into the text

h is proposed to us. And we turn round in circles unable to see a

satisfactory solution.

No problem of a divided people has yet been resolved

at the United Nations level.

any chance of settling them.

give us the proof of that.

The manner in which we approach them robs us of

Germany, Viet-Nam, Korea all are there to

Are we going to consecrate those divisions in the name of false criteria?

Are we going, by default, to prove that we are against the trend towards the

universality of the United Nations by expelling a whole national entity because

the authorities who command 700 million Chinese demand it? Or are we to continue

to discourage all the divided and harassed peoples which, on the contrary, are

entitled to expect from the United Nations an altogether different attitude

towards their problems and difficulties? To expel the Republic of China in favour

of the People's Republic of China would not solve any problem; we would simply

enclose the United Nations within a vicious circle and, on the contrary, raise

insoluble problems.

Population criteria, like those of good international conduct, can no longer

serve as a reference. It is not the United Nations which is ignoring 700 million

Chinese; it is the authorities which guide them that are ignoring the United

Nations. Those authorities forget that there is no coexistence without tolerance,

no association without overriding principles, no fruitful international co-operation

without justice, security and a stable peace. To sound daily the last trump

of a nuclear apocalypse will finally shake our fragile planet. My delegation

fears that our Organization would be paralysed by the spectacular intrusion of

the representatives of Mao Tse-tung after the expulsion of those of Chiang Kai-shek.

The struggles for influence to share hegemony over the world must lead those

who would expel Chiang Kai-shek and install Mao Tse-tung to reflect. Just as they

rightly ask us to recognize that we cannot continue to forget 700 million people,

so we ask them, just as rightly, to recognize that the leaders, however eminent,

who exercise authority over those 700 million Chinese, must not minimize to the

point of ignoring it the role played in this forum by 120 Member States, together

with the two super-States, 120 States which are not prepared at all to be considered

RSH/eh

A/PV.1603 14-15

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

as puppets manoeuvred by the United States and the Soviet Union. Neither verbal extravagance nor weighted threats can lead my delegation to vote in favour of a

draft resolution which would alter the representation of China.

By arbitrarily doubting our political maturity and our sense of responsibility

and by denying us any possibility of determining things for ourselves, the People's Republic of China leaves it clearly to be understood that it wishes, in some sense, to play the role of the third thief in the fable and to serve as a counterpoise to the two super-Powers. But the prospect of being a victim of this new equation in the United Nations gives us no cause to rejoice. We are therefore

somewhat anxious, and we react in terms of that anxiety.

Upper Volta does not intend to condemn anybody for the sake of condemning. On the contrary, we wish to meintain good relations with all peoples which love peace and tolerance and which are determined to help it to emerge from its

economic difficulties in strict respect for its fundamental options. The experiences of friendly States on the level of co-operation with the People's Republic of China leads us to be constantly vigilant. The Republic of China,

on the contrary, maintains with us and with many others excellent relations based on mutual respect, friendship and co-operation.

In any case, to be beaten because one has been abandoned by a powerful ally, to withdraw to a part of the immense territory which one once controlled, and to reorganize that mountainous island to the point where 13 million Chinese can live and prosper and there victoriously; to resist the kicks of a Goliath who spares nothing to have done with his David; and, even better, to maintain publicly the hope of returning to the continent, to graduate from the status of an assisted nation to that of a nation assisting others in so short a time, by dint of the proper use of the ald received to give to our world, which is no longer surprised by anything, this great example of courage, tenacity and ingenuity is something which we must confess few States have succeeded in

doing.

AP/jam

A/PV.1603

16

(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)

And yet there is a desire to have the United Nations play the role of "redresser of

ngs", to invite it to expel Chiang Kai-shek in order to install Mao Tse-tung, although clearly nothing and no one can justify that call to a crusade against the Republic of China. Let us reply emphatically: No. To expel the Republic of

China even though it has done nothing to deserve that sad reward for its efforts

does not seem to us to conform to the ideal which should guide us.

Within the context of these comments, my delegation would like to emphasize that what is final is not its attitude with respect to the 700 million Chinese whose achievements it admires, whose hopes for a better future it shares, whose anxiety it understands and whose preoccupations and difficulties it appreciates. What is final is its respect for the principles of peaceful co-existence, tolerance, non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, loyal co-operation and mutual

aid. What is finel is its willingness to contribute towards making the United

Nations an instrument of peace and international co-operation. Hence it could not

subscribe to any possibility nor vote for any draft resolution that ran counter

to its fundamental objectives.

In his statement before this present General Assembly, the Minister for

Foreign Affairs of Upper Volta said:

"The nations are at present condemned to living together; they have

no choice but to live together in mutual respect, tolerance and assistance.

War is not the inevitable destiny of mankind, nor can peace be a gift from

the most powerful. The United Nations must strengthen its moral authority

and its international prestige in order better to meet the difficult demands of modern times. (1568th meeting, page 58-60)

#!

Since no new element has changed the fundamental aspects of the problem, my delegation believes that one of these demands, at the present juncture is the need to vote against any draft resolution that would alter the representation of China in the United Nations, and so to act that the question will no longer

even be included in the agenda of our regular sessions.

L

AP/je.m

A/PV.1603

17

Mr. SHAW (Australia): The item which we are now considering is not a new

one in the history of the United Nations, although it is an item which each year must be considered in the light of an international situation where there are elements of change. Since the item was last debated in the twenty-first regular session of the General Assembly, the internal dissension and political and ideological conflicts within Chine, which were apparent at that time, have spread further and assumed more serious proportions. The deepening and widening of

these divisions have led to a deterioration in the political, economic and

social fabric of the country. In its external aspects, divisions within the

In

Chinese hierarchy have been reflected in extreme forms of behaviour. recent months we have all been made too acutely aware of the shameless treatment

of foreign diplomatic representatives in Peking representing a wide variety

of countries with diverse social systems. There has been provocative incitement of disorders in Hong Kong and other incidents along borders with a number of China's neighbours. There has been a serious deterioration in the relations of

Peking with some of its neighbours.

At its twenty-first regular session, the General Assembly decided not to make any change with regard to the representation of China in this body. It can be said that an important element in the thinking of many countries at that time was that, in view of the events on the mainland and in the international attitude of Peking 1966 was not an appropriate time for making any fundamental change on this issue. It was difficult to predict what the effect of the representation of Peking in the United Nations would have been on this Organization because we could only judge from its words and deeds how Peking would react if it were so represented. Certainly the United Nations would become a very different Organization from the one it is now. In such an Organization, one would not feel any great confidence that the principles which are at the basis of the Charter system would be respected and preserved.

Perhaps it was for that reason that many States, not unsympathetic in other

respects to the régime in Peking, were disinclined to press the claims of Peking

too vigorously at that time. It was for the same reason that there was considerable

opposition to the efforts of some countries, and we respected their efforts even

though we disagreed with them, to introduce an element of what they regarded as

some new movement into the consideration of this question in the United Nations.

AP/jam

A/PV/1603

18

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

In our view those considerations of prudent caution which characterized

the actions of a majority of Member States last year, have been reinforced by

the events in mainland China over the past twelve months and more especially

by the external manifestations of the internal turmoil within China. Do we

know whom we would be inviting, if this Assembly decided to extend an

invitation to representatives from Peking? Which of the contending forces is

really controlling events in the mainland of China? Is it indeed still possible

to speak of a unified leadership?

Those recent developments in China can only make it more difficult for

countries situated in the Asian and Pacific area to gauge how they are to

face the future in the region which they share with China. The immensity of

the task facing nations of these regions who desire to live in peace with

China is apparent. No one would wish to pretend that China does not exist or cen

be treated as if it did not exist, much less ignored. The problem is to come to

terms under which other nations can live alongside China in a relationship free

from the threat or fear of intervention in their internal affairs. The task of

bringing about this situation will remain one of the major tasks of diplomacy

in the next decade. To face the developments which are occurring in South

East Asia now will require great firmness and patience in the application of

that diplomacy.

It is the hope of the Australian Government that over a period of time,

mainland China will be accommodated within the international community. But

the acceptance of representatives of Peking into the United Nations now --

and they have not said that they wish to be represented here is not a short

cut to that objective and would not automatically make China a respected

Member of the community of nations. Even if Peking were to be represented in

the United Nations tomorrow, the great problems of peaceful co-existence would

still remain. It has been argued that if Peking were represented in the United

Nations, there would be opportunities of closer contact and that, having accepted

certain obligatione, mainland Chine would be held accountable to the Membership

of this Organization. While we do not sweep these contentions aside without due

consideration, we find it difficult to believe that the were assumption of a

scat in this Assembly would make much practical difference to the sonduct

AP/jam

A/PV.1603

19-20

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

of Peking's policies. Indeed, we are all aware that the Peking authorities have in effect imposed conditions for diplomatic recognition which are unacceptable to many countries and that any claims that may be made for it for a seat in the United Nations stand against a background of virulent

attacks on this Organization.

4

AW/m

A/PV.1603

21

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

The Chinese communists also insist that their own admission to this

nization would entail recognition of their sovereignty over Taiwan and the expulsion and withdrawal of recognition from the Government of the Republic of

Chine. No one who has visited Formosa has found anything that would indicate that

the 13 million people of that island wanted to be ruled by Peking. The Republic

of China is a founding Member of this Organization. It has participated constructively and peacefully in international affairs and it has fulfilled all the obligations of membership of the United Nations. It enjoys a wide degree of international acceptance and it occupies an honoured place in the community of nations and in the affairs of the Asian region. Moreover, over the past twenty years great strides have been made in promoting economic progress which has seen the standard of living in Taiwan rise to one of the highest levels in Asia.

It has been said by some that, since the overriding objective is to come to terms with the 700 million people of mainland China, we should not allow the 13 million people of Taiwan to stand in the way of this objective. According to this view, if Taiwan has to be jettiscned in the interest of a settlement with Peking, such is the price of progress. Coming from a country which itself has e population smaller than that of Taiwan, I find this argument quite unacceptable. That the interests of 13 million people could be abandoned in order to satisfy wider political ends is an argument to which we have the most serious objections, both in principle and as a question of what is practical in ensuring peaceful evolution in the East Asian region.

There are therefore difficulties which lie in the path of progress on this issue, difficulties which are in part of Peking's own making. But this does not mean that we can or should abandon the search for an accommodation on which ultimately the peace of the region, indeed of the world, may depend. We have to try to bring the authorities in Peking to see that aggressive interference in the affairs of other countries, direct or indirect, cannot succeed, and that if persisted in, will only work to their own disadvantage. We have to instil in the authorities in Peking a realization of the limits beyond which policies cannot be forced by one nation in disregard of others and to reveal those places where it will be to the common advantage to reach some understandings. In the long term we look towards greater regional cohesion among the countries of Asia and the Pacific, so that they will all come to play their part in promoting the stability and

economic advancement of that area.

AW/mm

A/PV.1603

22

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

These objectives may take some time to achieve. But international life is not

static. In time conditions inside mainland China and in the world will change.

should be on the watch for indications of changing attitudes rather than aggravate

the present situation by trying to force openings that are now shut against us,

The Australian Government in its policies has been seeking to proceed in

accordance with the ideas which I have expressed. We have not recognized the

Peking régime and recent events, regrettably, would seem to confirm the wisdom of

that course. Neither have we sought to isolate ourselves from mainland China

Where it has been possible for us to develop relations, principally through trade

but also in other ways, the Australian Government has not sought to prevent this.

In recent years there has been a significant expansion in our peaceful trade with

the Chinese mainland. Australia will continue to be alive to the possibilities of

exploiting such other avenues towards peaceful accommodation as may present

themselves from time to time.

But, of course, it must be realized that understand and accommodation cannot

come only from one side. Some of those who call for recognition of communist China

and its admission to the United Nations bring all their pressure to bear on other

Governments, and not on Peking, and they call for all the concessions to be made by

others rather than by Peking. Those of us who have doubts about the policies of

China are the ones that they call on to recognize what are termed the realities of

the situation. We are called upon to reach friendly relations with Peking by, in

effect, giving communist China everything it asks for. But an accommodation cannot

be a one-sided affair. Peking must indicate a readiness to live in harmony with

its neighbours, to accpet international obligations and to enter into agrangements

for their effective performance. The need for some movement of this kind must be

more widely recognized if the world is eventually to move towards a better

relationship with Peking.

We now have before us three draft resolutions. The first draft resolution

has been introduced by Albania and a number of other sponsors (A/L.531). This

calls for the replacement of the representatives of the Republic of China by

representatives from Peking. For the reasons that I have indicated, we cannot support and will vote against that draft resolution.

AH/mm

A/PV.1603 23-25

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

The second draft resolution (A/L.532), which has been submitted by a number of

velegations, including Australia, is essentially a procedural resolution. It asks

the Assembly to confirm what should in any event be clear, that any proposal to

change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question requiring a two-thirds majority in accordance with the provisions of Article 18 of

the Charter. The General Assembly has on many occasions, and most recently in

resolution 2159 (XXI), reaffirmed this situation. As a matter of orderly procedure, it is appropriate that it should do so again.

In this connexion, my delegation notes that the draft resolution proposed by Albania and other countries (A/L.531) was submitted before the proposal which my

delegation has the honour to co-sponsor and that it would normally be put to the

vote before that draft resolution. It seems to my delegation that an essentially procedural resolution concerning the majority which would be required for the

adoption of a substantive resolution, should logically be put to the vote first.

If this were not the case, we could be in the position of voting on a draft

resolution without knowing what majority would be required for its adoption. My

delegation believes that we should avoid any such uncertainty. For this reason,

we wish formally to propose as a motion as to procedure that the draft resolution which has been presented in document A/L.532 should be given priority in the voting. We ask that you, Mr. President, should request the Assembly to decide on the proposition contained in draft resolution A/L.532 before putting draft resolution A/L.531 to the vote. We believe that in this way it will be

possible for us to clarify the procedural situation in a way which will

facilitate the voting.

ET/Jw

A/PV.1603

26

(Mr. Shaw, Australia)

The delegation of Italy and a number of other delegations have proposed

a third draft resolution for our consideration, which is contained in document A/L.533. I do not wish to discuss that document now, except to say

that, while we understand the reasons which have led those delegations to present that draft resolution, for our own part we believe that the time is

not opportune for the sort of action that is proposed. We do not believe that the passage of such a resolution now would help us to arrive at what

we are seeking namely, the attainment of an understanding on the basis of

which Peking will be willing to live in conditions of peace and respect with

the rest of the world.

Those are the considerations which underlie the attitude of the Australian Government on the issue of the representation of China in this Organization. The question is not simply one of recognizing that the

mainland of China exists. We are well aware that it exists. We want to develop a peaceful relationship with it and are prepared to explore new ways of doing so. At the same time, we cannot ignore the obstacles which Peking itself places in our path. In the meantime, we shall play our part in strengthening the regional solidarity of the countries in the Asian and Pacific regions. With other like-minded countries in the region, we shall work for the time when a more harmonious relationship between the mainland of China and its neighbours seems more possible than it does at the present

time.

Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from Russian): Throughout the course of many years the General Assembly has been discussing the question of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Need it be said that on numerous

occasions the Soviet delegation has stated its position of principle on this

subject. That is why today there is scarcely any need to repeat the well-known and clear arguments, especially since the representatives of a number of

countries of Asia and Africa have dealt with this in great detail.

ET/jW

A/PV.1063

27

(Mr. Fedorenko. USSR)

The Soviet Union has been consistently in favour, and continues to be in favour, of the early restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and of the explusion from the Organization and all its organs of the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique. We are firmly opposed to the concept of the so called "two Chinas", which is inimical to the Chinese people and the purpose of which is to perpetuate United States occupation of Taiwan, That China, one of the founding Members of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council, is deprived of the opportunity to assume its rightful place in the United Nations

is not only obviously unjust but is something that undermines the principle

of universality of the United Nations, which is one of the foundations of

its activities. The Soviet Union, as was stressed by the Foreign Minister

of the USSR, Andrei Andreyevitch Gromyko, at the present session of the

General Assembly, has always been, and still is, in favour of the United

Nations being a genuinely international organization. It is not possible to

accept a situation in which a number of sovereign States which have already existed for more than a decade continue to remain outside the Organization.

Quite apart from the People's Republic of China, there is, we would point

out, the case of the German Democratic Republic, a peace-loving socialist

State of workers and peasants. The Soviet Union is also in favour of the

early solution of the problem of the acceptance of the German Democratic

Republic into the United Nations. or course, we have no objection to the

United Nations accepting at the same time the other German State the

Federal Republic of Germany.

It is certainly no secret from anyone that the principal opponent

of the solution of the problem of the restoration of the lawful rights of

the People's Republic of China and the acceptance of the German Democratic

Republic in the United Nations is the United States of America, which has

assumed a position that runs counter to common sense and is at variance

with the Charter of the United Nations a position that does considerable

damage to the cause of international co operation. This year again Washington and some of its allies, in an attempt to prevent a solution to the problem of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China

+

ET/JW

A/PV.1063 28-30

(Mr. Fedorenko, USSR)

in the United Nations at the present session of the General Assembly, have

resorted to the worn-out manceuvre of coming forward with a draft resolution

in which, with no foundation whatsoever, a procedural question is declared

to be a substantive matter. The Soviet delegation objects most strongly to

such canceuvres on the part of the United States and other opponents of the

restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the

United Nations and, as in the past, declares that the question of the

representation of any given country in the United Nations is a procedural

matter which does not call for a qualified majority.

The Soviet delegation supports and will vote for the draft resolution

introduced by the delegations of Algeria, Guinea, Cambodia, Cuba, Romania,

and other countries and contained in document A/L. 531. As in previous

sessions, we wish to indicate again that on this question the issues are

abundantly clear and there is no need for any further studies or the useless

creation of a committee of inquiry such as is proposed in the draft

resolution submitted by Belgium, Italy and a number of other countries in document A/L.533. Such an approach might lead only to further delays and

procrastination as regards the solution of the problem of the restoration

of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

The meeting rose at 4.10 p.m.

A

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

President:

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1602

21 November 1967-

ENGLISH

RECFIVED IN ARCHIVES NO.31

7DEC 1967

FC2/2

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND SECOND PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Tuesday, 21 November 1967, at 10.30 a.m.

Mr. MANESCU

pre

(Romania)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations [93] (a), (b) and (c) (continued)

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 22 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 27 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70169

1//3pm

A/PV.1602

2

AGENDA NEOM 93

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE FROPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

IBITTED NATIONS:

(*) DRAFT RESOLITICS SUEMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE),

CUBA, GUINEA, HALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531); (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, COLOMBIA,

GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, RECARAGUA, TIS PALLIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532 and Add.1}; (c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, HEALY, LUXEMBOURG AND

THE METIERLANDS (A/L.533).

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The Assembly will continue its consideration of item 95 of the agenda entitled, "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations".

in addition to the two draft resolutions which had already been submitted on this item, the Assembly now bes before it a draft resolution submitted by Belgium, Chile, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands (A/1.533). I call on the representative

of Iraq.

Mr. YASSER (Iraq) (interpretation from French): In this world of ours, vhich is becoming ansller and smaller every day, an inter-State organization, not to speak of a super-State organization, is indispensable, The aurait and hierarchy of this Organization in all its fields ona be one single point and only one. This sonian, which does not exclude the possibility of certain subsidiary institutions of a continental or regiomi, nature, is completely incompatible with a breach which would result in the exclusion from the Organization, for any reason whatsoever, of say part be it large or smil of the world's population. This breach is baful to the co-operation among States which today is a necessity; it cannot be in accord with the interdependence of peoples which is characteristic of our international community.

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How illogical, therefore, and unjust it is that the great nation of China should have been deprived for so many years of the right to co-operate with the rest of the world within the United Nations. Hov abnormal it is that this Organization should thus deprive itself of the contribution that could be made to the United Nations by a great country, a great nation, which representa more than one quarter of the population of the world, with all its potential and all its resources.

It is time for us to wake up and to free ourselves from this nightmare of injustice is condemned by a reality which is a single na it is self-evident.The great nation of China should not be represented by anyone other than representatives of the People's Republic of China. It is beyond doubt the solution which is

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(Mr. Yasseen, Iraq)

required by the very nature of the question and which is called for by international law. In addition, it is the solution which will ensure the effectiveness of the United Nations in the discharge of its noble task and the application of the principles of the Charter.

What is at stake here? It is certainly not a question either of admission of a new State or of exclusion, for we have neither of those probléus on our agenda. It is a simple queation of representation, of credentials,

With the exception of cases of colonialism and invasion by foreign groups or foreign troops, the authority that has the right to represent a State in that vhich can maintain domestic order and discharge its international obligations, It would be tiresome, and I would say even naive, today to try to prove before this Assembly, with respect to Chine, that that authority can be only the People's Republic of China,

The political régina and the social system of a country are beyond question entirely within its own competence, as set forth in Article 2 (7) of the Charter, for they are the direct expression of its sovereignty.

The General Assembly has always respected this criterion, enshrined beyond question in international law and constantly observed by the various organs of the United Nations. It is unjust, therefore, not to apply this principle in the case of the representation of China.

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Mr. Yasseen, Iraq)

Mr. Tasṣeen, Iraq

This negative attitude does grave harm to the prestigs of the United Nations;

it certainly reduces the effectiveness of the Organization. China occupies e

very important place in the world; it has a position at the United Nations aa

privilaged as it is responsible. It is one of the permanent members of the

Security Council. Without the People's Republic of Chine the composition of

the Council becomes, as we see it, irregular, and canot reflect the real forces

existing in the world. The decisions of the Council cannot have the effectiveness

that they should have, and without the co-operation of China how incomplete will be the efforts of the United Nations Members in everything which relates to their problems, which are indivisible and universal by their very nature.

People talk about disarmament, about the prohibition of nuclear testa and

about the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. There is talk also of the

global development strategy. Is it in the interest of the world that, in all

these fields and in so many others, the solutions arrived at should not be

really universal, and that the great nation of China should not participate in

their alaboration and adoption?

My delegation therefore is in favour of the draft resolution submitted by eleven Powers in document A/1.531. That draft resolution has the merit of reflecting reality and of seeking to ensure greater efficiency for our Organization. The question involved here, as we have already stated, is only a question of presentation and verification of credentials. It is a procedural matter and, per se, it cannot be considered as an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the United Nations Charter. Whether it concerns a big Power of a small Pover, the nature of this question remains the same and, in all cases of this kind, the voting procedure should be the same, namely, the procedure of an absolute majority.

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like, for that

The draft resolution of the fifteen Fowers (A/L-532) matter, the two resolutions 2029 (XX) and 2159 (DT) that have already been

adopted - does not appear to us to be well-founded. It can be based only on the possibility of exceptions provided in paragraph 3 of Article 18 of the Charter. In referring to categories of questions that paragraph does not

sees to allow of an exception in a particular case, which might be considered

a discriminatory measure against a specific State. My delegation is

therefore opposed to this draft résolution.

With respect to the five-Power draft (A/L.533), we received it this morning and we have had no time to examine it, but in passing I might say that we think that the matter is all too clear to need to be referred to a special committee. Perhaps the "complex nature" of this problem comes from its

clarity and self-evident nature.

The presence of the great nation of China in our Organization can unquestionably bring to the United Nations a strength it needs and perhaps,

Let us

I might even say, a faith that is lacking and also a certain balance.

hope that the Assembly will be inspired to adopt, in the interests of the world and of the United Nations, the only appropriate solution -namely, that it will decide that the great nation of China cannot be represented except by the representatives of the People's Republic of China.

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HY. FOUNTAIN (United States of America): Once again, as for many years past, the question of the representation of China in the United Nations has been brought before the General Assembly, We of the United States delegation, while disagreeing strongly with those who have raised this question,

welcome the opportunity to state our position on it again.

In this statement I shall direct my resaris primarily to two proposal a

which now lie before the Assembly,

The first of these is the "important question" draft resolution of which fifteen Members, including my country, are co-sponsors. By this draft resolution the Assembly would affim again that the decision it took in 1961

remains valid that is, that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter.

The United States vill vote in favour of this draft resolution.

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The second proposal. I shall discuss is the draft resolution of which

eleven Herbere, led by Albania, are co-sponsors, This draft resolution calle for the expulsion of the Republic of China from the United Nations and the

It is essentially the same as those which the seating of Communist China, Assembly has consistantly rejected in past year. It is totally unacceptable to my Government and the United States will vote against it,

Let us now set forth the considerations which continue to guide my

Goverment on these issues.

The "important question" draft resolution is co-sponsored by fourteen MemberK: Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Gabon, Japan, Madagascar, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Philippines, Thailand, Togo end the United States.

This draft resolution begins by recalling the Assmbly's previous

recomendation that, whenever more than one authority claims to be the government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations, this quaation should be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of

the Charter of the United Nations and the circumstances in each case. The

draft resolution then recalls, and affine se rewaining valid, the decision

of the Assembly in 1961 that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question within the seming of Article 18 of the Charter.

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(Mr. Fountain, United States,

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Let me make clear the significance of Article 18 in this connexion.

wides that

Svides

"Decisions of the General Assembly on important questions shall be made by a two-thirds majority of the Members present and voting."

My delegation's co-sponsorship of the "important question" draft resolution,

now as in the past, staus from a profound conviction that any proposal to change the representation of Chins in this Organization is a question of political

importance of momentous political importance in fact and that such

proposal, consequently, can be decided only in conformity with the two-thirds

Tula.

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The previous history of the debates and votes on this matter clearly

demonstrates that this conviction is widely shared ** even by some vhose attitude toward the Albanian draft resolution is dimetrically opposed to ours.. Members whose views differ widely on the substance of the Chiness representation

qusation are very much in accord in recognizing that ve are dealing here with

a question which has the most serious implications for the rights and privileges of membership; for the functioning of the United Nations; and for the maintenance of international peace and security,

This can easily be grasped by any one of us, I think, if we imagine our own countries subjected to such a challenge. Just suppose that any other Member represented here, whether small or large, found its membership in the United Nations called into question, What Member among us could conceivably dismiss much a challenge as unimportant?

Surely, in this Organization of sovereign equals we cannot fail to accord to another Member the treatsant which we would most certainly claim for ourselves in a like situation.

This indisputable fact -- that any proposal to change the representation of Chine raises an important question is the presise of the fifteen-Power "important question" draft resolution. Proceeding from that factual premise, our

draft resolution reaffires the Inescapable procedural conclusion under Articla 18 of the Charter.

Let me remind the Assembly that the position taken in this "Important

question" draft resolution is not new, In 1961, the very first tims the

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(Hr. Fountain, United States)

(Ms. Fountain. United States)

Assembly held a substantive debate on Chinese representation, it adopted a resolution to the same effect, On two subsequent occasions, in 1965 and egain in 1966, the Assembly found that this decision of 1961 was still valid.

Thus the importance of the Chinese representation question and the consequent

two-thirds voting requirement has been affirmed or reaffirmed by the

General Assembly on three occasions. The present draft resolution simply

reaffima once again this vital procedural point,

As I stated at the outset, the United States will vota for the

"Important question" draft resolution. We hope that it will again be adopted by a large majority. And let me stress to all Members including

particularly those who say differ with my country on the substance of the

Chinese representation question that the issue raised by this draft

resolution is not a political issue but an issue of fidelity to the procedure

laid down in the Charter, It asks only that whatever our respective positions may be on the substance, our decision should be taken in accordance with the

-- for only thus can it be of unchallengesble validity. proper procedure

I

hope that all Members will bear this in mind in determining their votes on

this draft resolution,

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I turn now to the draft resolution submitted once again this year, as for some

years past, by Albania and other co-sponsors. Like its predecessors, this raf: resolution would expel the representatives of the Republic of China and replace them with the representatives of Peking.

It is truly ironic that this proposal is put forward, year after year, in the name of universality of membership. And yet, the immediate step which the Albanian draft resolution proposes is a direct affront to the idea of universality, namely, the summary expulsion of a Member of the United Nations. However it may be disguised by tendentious words, that is the clear intent. Under this draft resolution, the Republic of China a founding Member of the United Nations, a Member in good standing whose rights in this Organization are clear and against whose conduct as a Member no serious complaint has ever been made would be thrown out bag and baggage.

The sponsors of this proposal have referred to the Republic of China, their intended victia, as a "byth". But the Republic of China, is far being a myth; it is a very lively and highly impressive reality. Its Goverment effectively governs some 13 million people, a population exceeding that of most of the Members represented in this body. It has achieved one of the highest standards of living in Asia. It is recognized diplomatically by a majority of the membership of the United Nations. And for twenty-two years it bas contributed faithfully to the work of the United Nations, including the specialized agencies and other constructive United Nations programmes. Tat this is the Member of the United Nations which is nominated for expulsion. That is the penalty which the Charter reserves for persistent violators of its principles. It has never been imposed upon any Member in the entire history of this Organisation. No wonder the Assembly has refused so many times in the past years to take this step of expelling the Republic of China. Such a step would be a flagrant injustice and an indelible blot of shame on the record of the Uited Nations. It would violate the Charter which we are all solemnly bound to uphold and which contains no grounds whatever for such an arbitrary act of expulsion. Moreover, it would set an evil precedent that might one day

be invoked against other Hambers here present even those perhaps who today

may be inclined to support it.

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(Mr. Fountain, United States)

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(Mr. Fountain, United States)

For all these reasons, and in the interest of us all, the rights of the

Republic of China in the United Nations must be preservað.

On this ground

alone the Albanian draft resolution should be rejected. Indeed, any delegation

that does not wish to expel the Republic of China has no choice but to vote

against the Albanian draft resolution.

The other step which the Albanian draft resolution contemplates is the

seating of the representatives of Peking in the United Nations. In view of this proposal, it seca proper that we should consider, first, the conduct of the Paking régime in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter;

and, second, the declared attitude of Paking towards the United Nations itself.

Ás regarda conduct, there cenot be any more widely known fact in

international affairs today then the warlika and, aggressive manner in which

the Paking régine has conducted itself all around its pariphery from Tibet to

Korea. If there is a political authority in the world today more hostile to

International peace and security, more diametrically opposed to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, more contemptuous of elementary diplomatic usage, ny Government does not know of it.

Of course, as might be expected, the sponsors of the Albanien draft resolution have painted quite a different picture. It is a pleture which

bears little relation to reality and, let me add, some of the sponsora know that fact from direct experience. I refer particularly to the explanatory memorandum which they submitted on 8 September lest in support of this agenda

item. Iat me quote a few of the assertions in that memorandum to see how

they compare with the facts.

Take, for example, the assertion that the Peking régime "has always followed. a policy aimed at sattling by peaceful weans all disputer which may exist or arise between independent Staten. (A/6831, paragraph_4)

H

Can this

possibly be said of the régine that intervened masively in the aggression against South Korea; that has repeatedly launched armad attacks against Indian

territory along the Himalayan mountain borders; that has been deeply involved

in the aggression against the Kingdom of Lacs and the Republic of Viet-Nan; and

that has intervened to promote subversion as far may na Africa and Latin America?

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The behaviour of Commist China toward those independent States which have

has been sought its friendship not just in Asia but in every region

aracterized time and time again by provocation and insult. Apparently, to continue in the favour of Peking it is no longer mough to maintain a friendly attitude. Nations whose friendship for Communist China is of long standing and whose leadem in former yaara vere received in Peking with much poup and circumstance now find themselves accused of serving as "puppets of American

imperialism".

These

Physical attacks on diplomatic personnel and installations in Paking have recently become widespread. Abuses of diplomatic privileges by emissaries of Peking have created serious incidents in the capitals of many countries. incidents have been front-page news all over the world for many months. Even some of those who exert themselves amually to plead Peking's cause in this assembly are not exempt from such treatment. It is puzzling indeed how it cap be asserted, as the explanatory memorandum asserts, that "the People's Republic of China has always displayed full respect for the independence and dignity

of other countrie

(Ibid., para. 6) The burning of embassies, the physical besting of diplomats, and the abuse of diplomatic immunity for propaganda and subversion ara exceedingly strange ways of showing respect.

I would cite only one more statement from the memorandum subaltted in behalf of Peking'a admission. This is the assertion that "no important international problem can be solved without the participation of that country." (Ibid., para. 7) This is a strange observation to make about a régime which has long since made it clear that it is opposed to international efforts to solve most of the major problems of the day, including those of great concarn to the United Nations. For example, Peking has taken the most extrame possible position on the troubles of South-East Asia, including Viet Nam, in the apparent hope of preventing a reasonable peace settlement in that are5. It has rejected out of hand the partial nuclear test-ban treaty, the treaty on outer space and the projected treaty to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and in fact has shown itself generally hostile to the whole concept of arus control.

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(Mr. Fountain, United States)

In its deeds as in its words, Peking has remained faithful to Mio Tse-tung's dogma that "all political power grows out of the barrel of a gun". I leave

it to all of my fellow representatives to judge for themselves whether the

presence in the United Nations of this rigidly fanatical and violence-prone

régina would increase the probability of a solution of any international

problem.

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(Mr. Fountain, United States

exphasize that the United States does not rejoice in Peking's hostility, nor have we sought to provoke it. On the contrary, for more than

a decade my Government has made efforts in the diplomatic, azus control, tehhnical, journalistic, humanitarian and other fields to find points of common interest and co-operation, however modest, that night penetrate that

solid wall of hostility and self-isolation which Peking has erected. Our efforts thus far have been almost totally unavailing. Nonetheless, we do not cease to hope for a better future. Only last week, on 15 November, the President of the United States joined with the Prime Minister of Japan in a communique which said:

"Looking forward toward an enduring peace in Asia they further expressed

the hope that Communist China would ultimately cast aside its present intransigent attitude and seek to live in peace and prosper alongside other nations in the international community."

But in all realim, such a change still seems ruote.

Against this background, I now turn to a more specific question and one which is especially relevant to this debate, namely, the attitude of

Peking and the Peking régime towards the United Nations. There is abundant evidence on this subject. Peking has made no secret of ita utter contempt for this Organization. It does not seek to enter the United Nations; rather, it arrogantly and blatantly proclains conditions under which it would consent to join. As Prender Chou Pr-lad said as recently as last 24 June: "The United Nations must correct all of its mistakes of the past, and must be thoroughly reo-ganized and transformed." And he went on to say: "If this

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goal is not reached, then the possibility will increase that a new, revolutionary United Nations vill be set up."

Such statements, in almost the same words, have been made by the authorities in Peking numerous times in the past. In addition, those authorities have given some details on what they mean by the "transformation" that must take place and the so-called "mistakes" which the United Nations aust correct before they will, consent to enter this great body.

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(Mr. Fountain, United States

For example, in a speech in Peking on 29 September 1965, Foreign Minister

Chen Xi said that all the States which he classified as "imperialist

puppet States" should be driven out of the United Nations. And similarily, in an interview with the Philippine Journalist J.V. Cruz on 9 May 1966,

the same Mr. Chen Yi was quoted as emphatically asserting that his régize

"will never go into the United Nations, even if

invited by the Organization, wless and until certain conditions set forth

by her will have been set first", Asong those conditions vare included, and

again I quote from the interview, "expulsion of the Taiwan delegation, and

a thorough-going revision of the United Nations Charter",

and I quote Mr. Cruz

As for the expulsion of the Republic of China, as we have seen, that

demand is far from Thew, Peking has made clear many times ite refusal to sit

in the United Nations unless the Republic of China is first expelled, And it is, of course, in obedience to that demand that the Albanian draft resolution proposes precisely this step - a step of abject surrender by the United Nations to a stipulation that is mommentally unjust.

Let me again remind my fellow representatives that whatever their views ay be for or against the seating of Peking, they cannot vote for the Albanian draft resolution without thereby voting to expel the Republic of China.

Consequently, any delegation which opposes such expulsion has only one way, in my opinion, to give effect to its opposition, and that is to vote against the

Albanian draft resolution.

In conclusion, I should like to say that the United States did not

raise this issue, but since it has been raised it must be faced. And in

order to face this issue, we must first recognize it for what it is. The issue

raised is not the reconciliation of mainland China with the world,

That event lies outside our present control, for the key to it is a change

of heart and a new spirit in Peking. Unpromising though the prospects may

now appear, my country, together with many others, whole-heartedly hopes for

such a change,

(Mr. Fountain, United States)

But the issue we face today is something altogether different. It is vhether the United Nations should, on the peremptory demand of Peking, commit

gross injustice against one of the founding Members and against its own Charter. This is the road not to reconciliation with Communist China, but to disaster for the United Nations. For the sake of the future of thin

Organization and all for which it stands and all who stand for the cause of peace and human dignity, let us again decisively refuse to follow that road. And let us all individually and collectively hope and work and pray for the day when a more constructive road may be open toward enduring peace and security both in Asia and throughout the world.

Mr. BUDO (Albania) (interpretation from French): One of the direct consequences of the imperialist policy of aggression and of vorld begemony which is being feverishly pursued by the United States of America has been to deprive the United Nations for eighteen years of the assistance of the largest State in the world, the People's Republic of China.

This is without question an unusual situation without precedent and very odious, and at the same time it is one of the principal causes of the long crisis which this Organization has suffered and which has reduced it to its present state of abasement where it has become an instrument incompatibla with the interests of the cause of freedon, peace and progress.

American imperialism, possessed by the insane ambition to take over from the former colonial Powers, which are now crumbling, and to create under its negán a new world supire, is feverishly following an aggressive policy, resorting to all possible means to stifle the revolutionary fight for freedom of the peoples which is breaking out spontaneously in the four comers of the world, and to place under ita rod of iron all the countries

that resist the implementation of its global strategy for world domination.

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

Intervention in China - which resulted in a lamentable failure in 1949 and the occupation of the Chinese inland of Taiwan; aggression in Korea and th occupation of the southern part of that country; aggression against Viet-Nam and the occupation of South Viet-Nam; aggression against the Congo, against Cuba, the Dominican Republic and other countries of Latin America; a number of aggressions in the Near East, the most recent of which van that of 5 June last; a series of aggressions against countries located in various regions of the world; the frenetic aruments race; the brandishing of nuclear weapons

and the preparation for a new world war; the restoration of militarim and revanchism in West Germany; provocations and sets of international banditry; bloody crimes against the peoples; deceits; the buying of agents and traitors of all kinds; plots, interventions in the internal affairs of peaceful. countries and acts of subversion by the fomenting of disturbances and the organization of plots and military putsches in order to bring to power the most reactionary and the most decadent forces; the systematic implementation of the neo-colonialist policy of penetration and sconcate and political submission of independent States; the systematic implementation of gunboat diplomacy the list is interminable, These are some of the landmarks, high spots and characteristic features of the policy of aggression and var that the United States of America has relentlessly carried out in the period since the end of the Second World War, on its own or with the connivance of its partners and lackeys, with a view to eliminating the socialist states, repressing the world movement of peoples for national and social liberation; and imposing everywhere in the world the reign of Yankee imperialias based on the law of the jungle. It is precisely in the context of this criminal policy of international gangsterism that there is introduced the imposition upon the United Nations of this abominable and intolerable situation of the usurpation of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China, in this Organization and its organs by the remnants of the Chiang Kai-shak clique, expelled for ever by the Chinese people and placed in the pay of American imperialism and under its protection on the Chinese island of Taivan.

Since the lamentable failure of their intervention in china in 1949, at the time of the triumph of the socialist revolution of the Great Chinese people, vhich marked a decisive turn in the millenial, history of that people and

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

was of immense historic significance for the fate of mankind, the United States of America has relentlessly pursued a profoundly hostile and aggressive policy against the People's Republic of China,

Imbued with the most reactionary conceptions and blinded by their senseless dream of implementing their plans for world hegemony and setting themselves up as international policesen, the American imperialists have constantly followed with

respect to the great people of China and its Government a policy of typical

aggression, wing all possible ways and means, from provocations of all kinds,

false accusations and campaigns of calumny and blackanil of the most shameless kind and attempts at blockade and isolation, to acta of aggression and strategic

plans for the establishment of a ring of iron around China and the preparation

of an aggressive war against it.

The criminal activity conducted up to now by the United States of Americs

in the Far East, and the picture presented to us today by the dangerous

situation for general penge created in that region of the world by virtue of this activity, leave no doubt in this respect and cannot but give rise to serious concern on the part of every freedon-loving and peace-loving person,

Is it necessary to recall here again in detail all the aggressive actions

of the American imperialists against the People's Republic of China; their great

network of military beses land, naval and atr around it and near it; the

occupation by them of territories transformed into colonies and bases of

aggression, such as Chinese Taivan, South Korea, South Viet-Na and other territories and countries in this region; the instigation and the engagement of other Asian countries, among them India and Japan, in the service of this same

nggressive anti-Chinese policy; the redoubled efforts to consolidate the existing aggressive bloce and to create for the same purpose new military alliances;

the provocations of the United States Seventh War Fleet and the incessant

violations of the territorial integrity of China and of its airspace,

facts are patent; they are know to all the world and to all of you. It da

unnecessary to stress also that all of this is part of the plans of American

global strategy whose spearhead is directed precisely and in concentrated

fashion against China because China constitutes an unsurmountable obstacle to

the realization of these sinister plans.

All these

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

The height of the cynicim of the ruling circles of America is that, in spite of this blindingly obvious reality, they scruple at nothing, as was shown once again today by the United States representative in accusing the great socialist China, an eminently peaceful country, of this same aggressive policy which is their own, as though it were Ching which had sent its fleet to positions off the American coast, occupied parts of the territory of the United States, established pacts and a whole series of military bases around that country and violated the territorial integrity, or that bad attacked peaceful peoples and nations and created hotbeds of war in various parts of the world. Truly the ruling circles of America, as L result of carrying out their policy of international banditry comprising interventions, aggressions, monstrosities, threats, blackmail and deceit, have reached such a point of aberration that they consider that all is permitted them and think the world could easily lend itself to all their absurdities and

extravagances.

It might perhaps not be inappropriate to quote in this connexion

a typical and recent exemple. In his Fress conference of 1 November the President of the United States, referring to the attack of 31 October by the heroic Viet-Namese freedom fighters against the Saigon palace, where the aggressor masters and the South Vist-Hanese puppet riff-raff þad nasembled to feast, exclaimed that the attack "should revolt the civilized world".

Thus, according to the logic of the American governing circles, when the South Viet-Nanese patriots who are fighting for their national salvation attack the Yankes invaders and their Saigon leckeys the civilized world should be revolted, whereas it should applaud when the American gangsters drop their bomba on the towns of North Viet-Hen, killing women, children and the aged and destroying its people's work of peaceful building, and when they ravage whole regions in South Viet-Nan and perpetrate the most barbarous crises and nexx maskeres there. North American ruling circles are therefore incapable of realizing that the whole of mankind, all the progressive forces, feel towards them a revulsion and a most deep-seated hatred, condemning most aergetically their monstrous fashion of understanding international relations, and stigmatizing then as onery No. 1 of

the peoples.

(Mr. Budo, Albania)

One of the characteristic features of the world scene in the last few

pars is the fact that this criminal policy of the ruling circles of the Jnited States of America is more and more openly supported by the revisionist clique of the Soviet Union, which has betrayed Marzian-Leninism and the vital interests and profound aspirations of the Soviet peoples and of all the peoples of the world. The Soviet revisionists have točey become the maber one allies of American imperialis for the implementation of its anti-Chinese policy and

the repression of the revolutionary national and social liberation movements of

peoples. American imperialion and Soviet revisionism have today established a

counter-revolutionary "holy alliance" designed to rally round it all the

reactionary and decadent forces of the world, Of course, that "holy alliance" fa

the culmination of a series of common efforts of conspiracy on the part of the two partners, whose principal points of reference could be represented by what is commonly called "the spirit of Camp David" of 1959, "the spirit of Vienna" of 1961, "the Caribbean crisis" of 1962, "the spirit of Moscov" of 1963, with the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Tests, and finally "the spirit of Glassboro" - of this

summer -- on the very morrow of the criminal imperialist-Israeli aggression

against the Arab countries, for which the Soviet revisionist leaders bear a heavy

responsibility which marks a new stage on the Soviet revisionist cliquela road of betrayal and conspiracy with United States imperialim,

At Glassboro -- where Kosygin openly thrust himself into the arms of Johnson,

in view of the whole world -- the two partners tried to embark, within the context of global strategy, upon a general co-ordination in all fields on

world scale and a sharing of zones of influence and hegemony in the world. They concluded new deals on numerous problems and hatched new plots against the peoples, against Viet-Nam, against the Near East and the Middle Fast and other

countries, and in particular against the People's Republic of China -- plots

which constitute the common gement of collusion between Soviet revisionies and

American Imperialim,

The Johnson-Kosygin plot also reflecta and this cannot be overlooked

the weakness of American imperialism and of Soviet revisionism, de wall as the

panic that the Americans and Soviets feel before the flowering and the constant

consolidation in all fields of great socialist Chine and before the dynamic development of the revolutionary liberation movement of the peoples of the whole world.

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1

(Mr. Budo, Albania)

The victory of the great cultural proletarian revolution in China, conducted

in accordance with the theory and the thought of the Chinese Communist Party and of Conrade Mao Tɛe-tung, and the mommental successes obtained by the Chinese

people in the new construction of the country, have brought to a new high degree

the development and the power of the People's Republic of China, its authority and its prestige in the world, as well as its capacity in support of the world

revolutionary anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist movement. That is why the

American Imperialists and the Soviet revisioniste, as well as reactionaries

everywhere in the world, have further intensified their activities of anti-Chinese

conspiracy and their propaganda campaign against the People's Republic of China,

■landering it unscrupulously and trying in vain to denage its international

prestige. Is this not one further proof that the great socialist China is on the correct Marxist-Leninist revolutionary path, that it is resolutely opposing

American imperialim, its accomplices and its lackeys, that it has become the

impregnable rempart of all the progressive forces, the bastion of the revolutionary peoples of the whole world which ardently support it?

It might not perhaps be superfluous to recall here in this connexion that the

Soviet Union, in the past, when it was under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, was the object of the most shameful calumnies and of very violent attacks on the part of imperialim and of all the reactionaries in the world, whereas at present, since the usurpation of power in the Soviet Union by the Khrushchev clique, things have changed completely; the attacks and the calumnies of yesteryear have given way to eulogies and praise by the imperialista of the Soviet revisionist leaders; this constitutes further proof of the latter's betrayal of Marxien-Leninism, of the cause of the Soviet peoples and of the peoples of the entire world.

It is, nevertheless, important to eachasize that all these sinister activities and all those shameless anti-Chinese propaganda campaigns are doomed to failure, just as they failed in the past, The brilliant victory of the great proletarian cultural revolution of the Chinese people, which has extinguished for all time the last hopes of the imperialists and revisionists to restore the former capitalist and colonialist régime in China, has rekindled the hearts of the freedom-loving peoples and bas further strengthened their courage and resolve

(Mr. Budo, Albania)

in the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle. The peoples, in ever-increasing numbers and with increasing resolve are supporting socialist China, and the influence of the Chinese proletarian cultural revolution, in daily growing greater in the world.

The anomous difficulties which American imperialis - and Soviet revlaloniem clique come up against, both internally and internationally, are inextricable and fatal, American imperialias has not only bogged down in the war of aggression in Viet-Nem where it is suffering defeat upon defeat, but it is aubmerged on all sides by the freedom-loving and peace-loving peoples of the whole world, including the movement of the American people against the Viet-Nam A united anti-American and international front on a huge scale is growing from day to day. The military blocs, such as NATO, CENTO and SEATO, which the American ruling circles have set up with so much care, are in the process of disintegration and paralysis, The time has passed for ever when the United States could impose its will on its allies. Never has the United States been so isolated on the international scene as at present, surrounded as it is by difficulties and deprived of world support,

VAT.

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(Mr. Bado, Albania)

On the other hand, the struggle conducted by the revolutiomries of various countries throughout the world against the betrayal of the Soviet revisionists, against their collusion with American imperialism, their increasingly open support of the aggressive policy of the United States, and, in particular, their current betrayal of the people of Viet-Nam and the Arab people, has completely unmasked before the world their true faas as renegades and number one accomplices of American imperialism.

Soviet revisionism and United States imperialism today are living through very difficult times, as was stated by Chairman Mao Tse-tung in his talegres of congratulations addressed to the Fifth Congress of the Labour Party of Albania,

He said:

"American imperialism and all the other vermin have dug their own greve, and the day is not far off when they will be buried in it.

ET

In the course of eighteen years of struggle and constructive labour, the great Chinese people, guided by the Marxist-Leninist thought of comrade Mao Tse-tung, has achieved mrvellous successes in all aspects of the socialist construction of the country. China has today beccas a powerful socialist State, possessing a modern and powerful industry, a collectivized socialist agriculture, a proletarian culture, and advanced science, with a high standard of living. The great proletarian cultural revolution has achieved results dismetrically opposed to those expected by the mesles of the People's Republic of China, this ia demonstrated, in

particular, by he great successes achieved by the great people of China in industrial production, as well as in the excellent barvests of this year.

The explosion of the first hydrogen boab in Chim marks a new summit in the

development of Chinese science and technology. In the statement made on

29 September, on the occasion of the eighteeth anniversary of the foundation of the

People's Republic of Chine, the leader of the Albanian people, comrade Enver Hoxhe, speaking of these recent successes of the Chinese people, stated the following:

be considerable successos achieved by China on all the fronte of

production, its order and discipline in work, the optimise and the

revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, reflect the correct line of the

proletarian cultural revolution, the correctness and the strength of

the Marxist-Leninist thought of courede Mão Tae-tung, on the basis of which

A new generation, the forthy continuator of the cause of socialism and

revolution, 18 prevally growing and strengthening."

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(Mr. Budo. Albania)

The People's Republic of China is conducting a policy of peace and friendship song peoples. Loyal to its policy of peace, good neighbourliness, international co-operation on the basis of the principles of sovereign equality of States, non- interference and reciprocal respect, it is maintaining and developing normal relations -diplomatic, sconcate and cultural -- with a large muber of countries, It bas concluded a series of agreements with neighbouring countries for the settlement of border problems, treaties of friendship and agreements on econcate and technical co-operation with numerous countries of Asia and Africs, with strict respect and scrupulous application of the principles contained therein. Great socialist China has become an important factor for the maintenance of international peace and security, resolutely combating the policy of war and aggression of American imperialism and its partners, and is supporting unreservedly the anti- Imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle of peoples, and the revolutionary world movement for independence, freedon and social progress. Great Chim today represents the impregnable fortress of all the revolutionary and progressive

forces in the world.

Through its firm Leninist-Marxist position and its tireless struggle in favour of the cause of freedom and peace, it has gained the sympathy and the faith of all progressive mankind. The possession by Chins of atomic bombs, missiles and, most recently, the hydrogen bomb, which has even further broken the nuclear

monopoly of imperialism and revisionism, and bas struck a severe blow at their nuclear blackmail, constitutes a great encouragement for all the peoples and all.

the peace-loving countries of the world. I should point out that the Chinese Press relesss of 17 June last, which announced the recent sucesss of the explosion of the hydrogen bomb, the Chinese Government stressing the purely defensive purposes of its nuclear armament, declared in particular that:

"At no time and under no eiraumstances

hatsoever will China be the first to

use these vespons. We have but one word. As in the past, the people and the Government of Chine, with all the pauce-loving countries and peoples of the world, will continue their efforts and will persevere in their fight to achieve the noble objectives, of the total prohibition and the total destruction of nuclear weapons.

H

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

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Mr. Budo, Albania)

The great victories, both internal and internationally, achieved by the

People's Republic of China, comprising 700 million inhabitants, despite all the

hostile efforts of its enemies, are evidence of the colossal force of this

powerful socialist state, of its irresistible and gigantic strides and its

incrassing role in the world arena,

The peoples of the whole world are urgently falling for an end to be put to

the abnormal and scandalous situation prevailing within this Organization as a

result of the usurpation of the seat of the great country of China by the band of Chiang Kai-shek renegades expelled long ago by the Chinese people. They

consider that this grave injustice done to the 700 million Chinese people is not

only unprecedented, contrary to the Charter and intolerable, but is also extremely

harmful to this Organization, to its authority, and to its capacity to contribute

to the settlement of problems of our times in accordance with its fundamental principles.

Many heads of delegations from all the regions of the world who have taken

part in the general debate of the General Assembly have forcefully laid bare the

character of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the

Organization, and the bar done to the United Nations as the result of the absence

of China. They have stressed that not only is it not possible to solve, without

China - which represents e quarter of mankind the great problems of our times,

but that it is not even possible to examine any problem whatsoever, of any international scope whatsoever, vithout realizing that it is indispensable to have

the People's Republic of China participate therein.

We all know far too well, whether it is stated openly or not, how the United Nations has declined as a result of the pernicious hold the United States of America has had upon it for some time, and also on account of the fact that this hold has been facilitated in recent years through the collusion of American

imperialism and Soviet revisionism.

As a result of this hold on the Organization, and this collusion, the United

Nations has been today transformed into an instrument in the service of the

imperialist policy of aggression and oppression against peoples, and into a

centre for shady deals at the expense of the case of peace and freedon-loving countries and peoples.

+

In order not to go too far afield, suffice it to recall here the very recent

And highly topical case of the imperialist Israeli aggression against the Arab Svuntries. What has been the role of this Organization in the face of this set of piracy of the imperialista and their instrument in Tel Aviv, which constitutes

a crime against husenity and bas elicited a wave of indignation and profound

revolt from all the peoples of the world? The United Nations has turned out to

be not only incapable of taking say positive action against this flagrant

aggression which flouts, in the most brutal way, the elementary principles of

international relations, but, by the decisions that were adopted in the Security

Council, by the manoeuvres and the sorüld plots concocted in the course of the emergency session of the General Assembly, both within the General Assembly and

outside it, by all the shady dealing at the expense of the Arab countries now

going on in the corridors of the United Nations under the direction of the two great Powers which bear heavy responsibility for all the events in the Near East

and all their consequences, by all these facts, the United Nations has played into

the bands of the aggressors, and has played into the hands of the enemies of the

people, and, in the first instance, into the hands of their principal enemies:

the American imperialists and the Soviet revisionists.

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

It is quite natural that the peoples of the world have been greatly disappointed in this Organization because of its position concerning imperialist and Zionist aggression against the Arab peoples and countries and that they are wondering to what extent the United Nations justifies its existence against the background of the purposes and the role laid down for it in Charter.

One cannot emphasize too strongly the gravity of the situation at present prevailing in this Organization. mat lamentable situation is bound to cause the Member States which value peace and freedom to think seriously. It affects their own vital interests, the safeguarding of their security and independence and the cause of world freedom and peace, as well as the very destiny of this Organization. Time is short. Either we set without delay or it will be too late.

Undoubtedly, the principal task of Member States at the present juncture is to deliver the Organization from the harmful stranglehold of the United States and not to peralt it

to be used as a centre for bargaining and conspiracy between the two great Powers to the detriment of the peoples' cause. It goes without saying that this calls for a firm and sustained struggle and increasingly closer co-operation in defence of the principles and purposes of the Organization, us well as the transformation of this Organization from an instrument in the bande of the imperialists into an instrument which really serves the legitimate aspirations and the vital interests of the peoples. That possibility exists because we, the mall freedom, peace and justice-loving countries constitute the overwhelming majority here. Naturally, everything depends upon the firmness with which and the extent to which each of these countries realizes that that is the only way out of the impasse in which the Organization finds itself, as well as the only way that socords with their own vital intereste and the cause of mankind

as a whole.

A very important step in that direction would be, unquestionably, the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and all its organs. The presence of great China in this Crganization would undoubtedly contribute a great deal to improving the oppressive atmosphere which weighs on this Organization and to modifying further, and substantially at that, the balance of forces in favour of the countries which are attached to the principles of the Charter and to the aspirations of the peoples, thereby creating favourable conditions for opposing effectively the predominance of the United States in the Organization and all the plots batched by it and its collaboratora.

·

There is no doubt that the absence of China from the United Nations is

harmful only to the Organization and to the cause which it should serve under the Verms of the Charter. The People's Republic of China prospers and grows in strength from day to day. It has become a powerful, socialist State, enjoying great and well-deserved international prestige. It does not need this Organization and does not seek its protection or assistance. On the contrary, it is the United Nations which has an imperative need to see the People's Republic of China take its place within the Organization and make its precious contribution to promote the improvement of the United Nations and to lead the Organization along

the path of the legitimate aspirations of the peoples and the countries that are fighting for freedom, peace and the consolidation of national independence and

sovereignty.

--

Is it necessary to reject and refute once again bare the subterfuges and

manoeuvres, as well as all the totally disproved arguments, to which the United States has reported in order to prevent the restoration of the rights of China in the United Nations? All the pretexts and all the absurd manoeuvres adopted by the United States so far have been unasked and rejected in the course of the years by numerous Hember States and have been condemned by world public opinion.

Everyone knÓWE == and no one can challenge this that there is only one China in the world. That is the People's Republic of China, born in October 1949 out of the triumph of the socialist revolution of the Chinese people. Its Government, and only its Government, has the requisite authority and attributes to represent Chine and the Chinese people as a whole in international relations and in all international conferences, institutions and organizations, including the United Nations. The remnants of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, rejected for ever by the Chinese people and sheltering on the Chinese island of Taiven under the protection of American bayonate represents nothing and nobody.

Taivan, as all the world knows and this has been confirmed in International

documents which even bear the signatures of Presidents of the United States

-- 1. a Chinese province and forms an integral part of the territory of the People's Republic of China. All the fallacious theories, all the sanoeuvres and all the

efforts of the United States and its partners to sustain the existence of "two

Chinas" ere vain and doosed to complete failure. The Chinese people will liberate that part of its national territory which is occupied by Yankee

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

imperialista, and it is not for any country or for the United Nations to put its

nose into this affate.

As for the ancient, so-called procedural manoeuvre to which the United States has resorted once again at this session in the form of draft resolution A/L.532,

on numerous occasions in the past we have given ample proof, as have many other

delegations, of the fallacious character of such an attempt. We do not consider it necessary, therefore, to return to that question again in order to demonstrate in detail the illegality of the American claim. The question of the restoration

of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is actually a simple question of representation and credentials. There is no question of the admission of a nev Heuber; it is simply a matter of recognizing the representatives

of a State which is already a Member, a founding Member of the United Nations and * permanent member of the Security Council. In 1949, at the time of the triuch

of the socialist revolution in China and the proclamation of the People's Republic of China, the United Nations should have taken note of that historic event and gåven the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China the seat of China in the United Nations and in all its organs, after having expelled the pempante of the former régime overcone by the Chinese people. Indeed, that was the position adopted by the United Nations in a series of cases concerning countries in which changes of government or régime had occurred. To act otherwise is to interfere, in violation of the Charter and the principles of international law, in matters falling within the domestic competence of States. Therefore it is evident that in the case with which we are concerned the question le quite simple

and mounts only to ma exemination of credentials a question of procedure, the settlement of which requires only the approval of a simple majority of the Members

of the General Assembly.

We consider that the States Heshers which are seriously in favour of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations cannot agree to support the groundless ekaina of the United States as regarán

a two-thirds majority. This is nothing but a subterfuge invented by the United

States in an attempt to get out of the difficulty it finds in gathering the votes

needed directly to prevent the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China.

(Hr. Budu, Albania)

We feel compelled to point out that such subterfuges on the part of the

United States remind us of the double-faced tactics of the Soviet revisionista

who, at our previous session, while appearing to support the restoration of the rights of China, had widely circulated here, on the very eve of the vote on this question, an article in Pravde which contained every possible calumny against the

People's Republic of China. That is one example, among many which shows clearly

how the two great Powers co-ordinate their sati-Chinese activities.

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(Mr. Budo, Albania)

With respect to the intention of Italy to renew its proposal of last year to create a so-called ad học committee which would be instructed to ambark upon a thorough study of the question of the representation of China, ve categorically reject auch attempts, for the very same reasons as those we gave at the previous session.

The question of the restitution to the People's Republic of China of its legitimate rights in the United Nations is crystal clear and does not call for any study or enquiry of any kind, especially since it has been discussed in all its aspects for any years, If up to now it has not been solved, as it should have been, that is solely on account of the arbitrary and intolerable position adopted by the United States, for the reasons that we have adduced earlier. It should be pointed out that the Italian proposal is only designed to support the United States in trying to get out of the difficult position in which the United States finds itself in the eyes of world public opinion, which condens it anergetically for its obstinacy in maintaining such an obstructionist and arbitrary attitude, contrary to the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law, as well as international practice. The Italian proposal is therefore only a subterfuge, designed to save the face of the United States for its brutal and absurd attitude vis-à-vis much a clear and evident question. That proposal is also designed to sustain the plot of the United States Goverment of "evo Bidons" and serves its aggressive policy,

The struggle conducted by Member States for the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations not only concerns the reparation of an injustics and a flagrant violation of the Charter but also is in accordance with the vital interests of this Organization and is an integral part of the struggle of the peaceful countries and peoples against the aggressive and enslaving policies of the United States, against the collusion between United States imperialien and Soviet revisionism, to the detriment of the cause of treadon, pesce and

international security,

:

+

(Mr. Budo, Albania)

As we see It, no realistic Goverment conscious of the present international situation and desirous of safeguarding the United Nations and seeing the Organization carry out its role in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter and the legitimate aspirations of the peoples can permit this Organization to be deprived any longer of the assistance and the very valuable contribution of the People's Republic of China, that powerful socialist State, that great world Pover which has such prestige and authority and which has today become a decisive factor for the defence of the vital interests of freedom-loving and peace-loving countries and peoples.

The adoption by the General Assembly of the draft resolution in document A/L. 531, which Albania bas co-sponsored and which provides for the imediate restoration to the People's Republic of China of all its rights in the United Nations and its organs and the simultaneous expulsion of the elements of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, will mark an important step which will be evidence of the determination of the majority of Member States to make their voices heard and of their vill to give new impetus to this Organization and to tapal it towards the fundamental purposes and principles of the Charter,

!

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Mr. VINCI (Italy): The chairman of the Italian delegation, speaking before this Assembly at its twenty-first session on the item "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations", stated, inter alia, the following:

"The debate in the General Assembly of the United Nations on the question of the seating of China has been going on for fully sixteen years. After so long a time, and after so much has been said in support or refutation of the recurring arguments which we all know so well, we cannot help but feel that we are likely to continue for many years yet along a path that leads nowhere.

"At this juncture the question arises whether some change is not called for in the angle from which the debate on this problem is viewed." (1470th meeting, page 22)

"We have been vasting our efforts far too long on a sterile debate which makes for wide differences of opinion, We must now extricate ourselves from the present impasse and approach the entire problem on a new basis. that ve vant is to avoid starting the coming year at the same point vhere we began this year." (1480th mesting, page 36)

Those were the words spoken by the chairman of the Italian dalagation at the twenty-first session to indicate the basic reasons which at that time moved * number of delegations, including my own, to put forward a

new draft resolution. The main purpose of our proposal vna to advocate a new approach to the problem of the Chinese representation at the United Nations, an approach which would enable the General Assembly to break the deadlock which had lasted so long, to put an end, if possible, to a fruitless confrontation of votes dividing the house and to make one step forward towards the achievement of universality.

We consider that those words and the philosophy which inspired them are still valid. We feel that the necessity for searching for new ways of dealing with the problem with which we are confronted is more urgent than aver. Nothing has happened sines last year to make our conviction less forceful. On the contrary, we are rather inclined to believe that there is an ever increasing number of delegations in this Assembly which share our

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(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

feeling of dissatisfaction with the methods followed so far, I hope that I

an not going too far when I say that the merit of our approach should not c. Zape those who are, so to speak, in favour of the status que or those who advocate the recognition of the right of the People's Republic of Chine as the only conceivable solution to this problem,

What encourages us most is the feeling that our views are gaining acceptance among the delegations and they are the majority in our Assembly · whose first and foremost objective is the strengthening of the authority, the prestige and the effectiveness of our Organization, and which yet, year

after year, are dragged into this sterile debate, It is a debate which only touches the surface of the problem and gives no promise of a constructive and reasonable solution but which, on the contrary, might lead us to greater division in this house: in short, a debate which does not serve the cause of the United Nations, since it does not help to harmonize the positions of the Member States and keeps us far away from the goal of universality instead of bringing us closer to it.

The general problem of universality was raised by the Secretary-General in the Introduction to his Anmas) Report to the Twentieth Session of the General Assembly. The Chairman of the Italian delegation, Sanator Bosco,

referred to it when he mentioned for the first time the iden which uns to be embodied in the draft resolution introduced a year later on the subject now under discusison, The Italian Government has on several occasions

emphasized the connacion existing between the action which the United Nations

is called upon to take suthoritatively and effectively to consolidate peace and to promote general progress throughout the world and the practical realization of the principle of universality of our Organization,

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(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

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(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

Our Prime Minister, addressing the Italian Parliament on 3 March 1966,

stated:

"Italy will continue to give its support, with the undertaking to engthen it even more, to the authority of the United Nations as the Organization where all problems inherent to relations between the countries of the world can find their just solution, Bearing this in wind, we believe that the Organization's ideal of universality should be furthered with the aim of conferring the utmost effectiveness to ita setion, in the field of peace and security, in full respect for the obligations contained in the Charter and the principles on which international coexistence is founded, The United Nations can only be further strengthened if the ethical valuss upon which it stands are upheld and

If necessary enforced by an Organization drawing its

moral strength from universal authority."

A few kontan ego the concept of universality in the United Nations was once again affirmed by the Italian Foreign Minister in his statement of 31 March in the Chamber of Deputies:

through

This action is fulfilled by Italy's active participation - its representatives, its contributions and its presence in the various argens -- in the policy and actira of the United Katirne. I en glad to underline that this participation does not aim to consolidate colonial or neo-colonial positions, but is directed, within the

free of an Organization becoming ever more universally representative,

to strengthen the action to be promoted by the various organs in the fields of disarmament, of development of newly independent countries and the strengthening of peace."

Similar statements vere sade by the Italian delegation during the twenty-first session of the General Assembly, For the sake of time I shall not cite them as they are available ■ll delegations in the relevant documentation of last year's session. We cannot help noting that, during these three years, the concept of universality has not advanced one inch.

Is it not time to ask most earnestly whether the kind of discussion which takes place every year on the question of the representation of think 19 not one of the main reasons, if not the main reason, for the stalmate? We feel that this is so.

It is for these reasons that the Italian delegation has been encouraged to submit once more, to the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, the proposal aimed at conferring upon an ad họg committee a mandate to study and explore the situation in all its aspects and to make appropriate recommendations to the next session of the Assembly for an equitable and practical solution to the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter,

I have therefore the honour to introduce formally, on behalf of the delegations of Belgium, Chile, Lanxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy, the draft resolution contained in document A/L.533. We are confident that the text of the draft resolution - which incidentally reproduces literally the wording of the previous one on the same subject submitted by a number of delegations at the twenty-first session -- is self-explanatory and will raiss no doubt as to its meaning and objectives and as to the motivations of its co-sponsors.

Our reasoning stems from two premises which, we believe, are undeniable, and leads to a conclusion that, we hope, vill be accepted by this Aserably.

The first premise is that few problems have remained so long with us

as the question of Chinese representation. It has been with us for too many yearE, The very fact that, for reasons which I shall not attempt to discuss at this date, the people of mainland China are not directly represented in this world Organization, the very fact that the position of the Government of the Republic of China was challenged last year by forty-six delegations, show us the order of its magnitude.

The second premise is that the method of tackling this problem an proposed by a number of delegations which have asked the General Assembly sic et simpliciter to vote in favour of the restoration of the rights of

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(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

the People's Republic of China and to expel forthwith from the Organization

the representatives of the Government of the Republic of China, is not

accepted by the majority, I venture to submit in this regard that, for

many delegations here represented, the vote passed against the draft

resolution traditionally submitted by Albania and ten other countries,

implies something different from what a negative vota usually meENA, It

means, rather than a judgement on the merit of the question, a direct

zefusal of the method which such a draft resolution embodies,

The conclusion that flows from these two premises is the new approach Which the delegations of Belgium, Chile, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and

Italy propose to the General Assembly.

It will not be denied, we hope, that the setting up of an ad hoc

ommittee is one of the legitimate and traditional methods to which the

United Nations resorts in order to lay the groundwork for the solution of the most intriests and difficult problems. It is a fully tested method to

which we owe most of the progress that has been sade by the Organization in

various fields, political, economic, social, legal and so on.

The committee which ve have in mind will have to gather and list

all the essential data of this problem that, in our view, cannot be reduced to

mere rival claims to the same sent by two different Governments. The committee

should be empowered to sound opinions, to make all necessary contacte, and

then place before us in a clear, rational and incontrovertible manner all

data and -lesents gathered, so that the problem of the seating of China

has so far been of an abstract nature -- can be tackled afresh on a sound

and constructive basis,

which

We do not believe, however, that the terms of reference of this committee

should be spelled out by the Assembly in great detail. We feel, on the

contrary, that the committee should be entrusted with a mandate sa vide se

possible, so as not to curtail its freedom of action. Briefly, what we

propose is a new method which, in the words of Minister Fanfani uhen he spoke at the Chamber of Deputies on 19 October 1966, points "to another road

at the end of which the Assembly debates and the final vote shall no longer

open the way to further long-lasting dissent, to breaches or even to

disdainful rebukes",

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We hope and trust that

our draft resolution

(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

if the General Assembly gives its consent the members of the ad hoc committee who, we

reel, should reflect all the various tendencies existing in this body, vill be able to carry out the work having in mind mainly the common objective which binds us all, namely, the strenthening of the prestige and effectiveness of the United Nations, bringing us closer to the ideal of universality of the United Nations and closing this gap which undeniably exists in our Organization.

This is the method which the delegations of Belgius, Chile, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy commend to the judgement of the General Assembly. I would define it as an alternative or, better, as a supplementary method to the one which we have followed all these years. We believe, in fact and I should like to make this point quite clear that a vote in favour of our draft resolution would not prejudice the attitude, the positions of principle, of any Member State with regard to the substance of the problem. A vote in favour of the draft resolution would have no relation whatsoever to the vote which any delegation chooses to cast on other draft resolutions before the Asambly. Finally, a vote in favour of the draft resolution would not commit anyone to accept the findings and recomendations which the ad hoc comittee would be requested to submit to the twenty-third session of the Assembly.

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kr. Vinci, Italy)

(Mr. Vinci, Italy)

It goes without saying that the General Assembly will, then, remain master of its own will and may endorse, reject, or amend the recommendations of the Committee as it wishes, in accordance with its well established democratic rules and procedures.

Allow me also to say that the co-sponsors of this resolution do not claim that this is the ideal method; we would in fact be grateful for any suggestion aiming at improving our ideas and enabling them to secure the widest possible support. We cannot, however, conceal the feeling that, should the Aasembly have adopted last year our resolution in its present form, we would have by now most probably (although we feel it is fair to stress the word "probably") a clearer picture of the situation and more elements of judgement to chart our future course. In any case we would not have lost time.

I vill refrain from commenting in detail on the draft resolution which I have the honour to introduce; I should like, however, to say that the five co-sponsors will be happy, either in private consultations or in public

catements, Turther to explain our views if we are so requested or if statements by other speskers so desand. I will may only a word on the size, composition and procedure to designate the members of the ad hoc committee.

Our fealing is that this body should be formed by ten to fourteen Membere so as to secure an adequate representation of the various schools of thought present in the Assembly on the problem of Chinese representation. Its actual composition should be decided upon through customary consultations with as many Members na possible. On these two points, however, the co-sponsors have ideas which are necessarily flexible and hope that they will have the benefit of constructive suggestions coming from all sections of the Assembly. We will welcome therefore the widest possible consultations in order to complete our resolution before we come to the vote. My delegation as well as the other co-sponsors to whom we feul indebted for their staunch support and co-operation remain available for this purpose.

We have set for ourselves the rule of brevity; not because the subject under consideration would not lend itself to further alaboration, but because we are conscious that our work is behind schedule and we wish to co-operate with your, Sir, in moving our deliberationa towards a satisfactory and speedy

conclusion.

¡

The suggestion that the delegation of Italy, joining forces with four ther delegations, is submitting to the attention of the General Assembly is

het a ne ona. We are confident that the motives which have prompted our

action last year and this year, are clear and beyond discussion. We respect the opinion of other delegations on this subject; we do not question their motivations. My delegation expects the same understanding attitude. May 1, in concluding, reaffirm that we are not inspired by any partisan views or special interests but rather by a deep-felt sense of rasponsibility and a sincere desire to offer a positive contribution of ideas to the solution of an outstanding problem of our Organization.

We are likevise confident that our proposal will meet with a positive

response of the Assembly and that we may this year harmonize our viewa as the Charter commends us to do and conclude our work with a step forward, limited perhaps, but certainly, in our view, in the right direction.

the meeting rose at 12.45 p.m.

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

P

Twenty-second Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL

A/PV.1600 20 November 1967

ENGLISH

66

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RECEIVED IN

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- 7DEC 1967

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PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDREDTH PLENARY MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Monday, 20 November 1967, at 10.30 a.m.

President:

later:

Mr. MANESCU

Mr. MOLINA-UREÑA (Vice-President)

(Romania)

(Dominican Republic)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations [93]

(a) Draft resolution submitted by Albania, Algeria, Cambodia, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Pakistan, Romania and Syria

(b) Draft resolution submitted by Australia, Belgium, Bolivia,

Brazil, Colombia, Gabon, Japan, Madagascar, New Zealand, Nicaragua, the Philippines, Thailand, Togo and the United States of America

This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief, Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room 1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 21 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 23 NOVEMBER 1967.

Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

67-70161

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AGENDA TEEN! 93

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS:

(a) DRAFF RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, GONGO

(BRAZZAVILLE), CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L,531);

(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, HIGIIM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL,

COLOMBIA, GABON, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, HOW ZRALAND, NICARAGUA, THE PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532).

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Before calling upon

the first speaker on this item I would urge representatives who wish to

Teak to tescribe their pracs en koop as possible. I would also request members of the Asambly who have the intention of making further proposals or mendments to do so as soon as possible.

Kr. HOT SHEATH (Cambodia) (interpretation from French): decades now the Chinese problem has been examined and discussed by the General Assmbly. Those who are opposed to the restoration of the lorful

rights of the People's Republic of China reason as though it were a case of

the admission of a new Member and, at the same time, recognition of a

Year by year they have recourse to dilatory tactics and dishonest government, and ignoble manoeuvres to delay the inevitable. This year, again, they hava submitted a draft resolution (A/L.532) requiring a vote by a two thirds majority and have asked that the vote should be based on an evaluation of the merits of the People's Republic of China,*

• Nr. Holine-Uraña (Dominican Republic), Vice-President, took the Chair,

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(Mr. Huot Sambath, Cambodia)

Let us look at their text. They have contended that:

--

PI

....... whenever more than one authority claims to be the Government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations and this question becomes the subject of controversy in the United Nations, the question should be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the circumstances of each case, For all those who act in good faith, the Government which, since 1949, has represented China and the 750 million Chinese is the Government of the People's Republic of China. If there has been controversy in the United Nations, this controversy has been created by the American imperialists and their satellites. It is the United States and the Governments dependent on Washington that have alleged and continue to allege that it is this handful of refugees, led by Chiang Kai-shek, who at the present time are under the protection of the American navy and army in the Chinese province of Taiwan who represent the 750 million Chinese -- with whom, for that matter, they have had no contact for two decades,

The situation is a unique one. A man who could not maintain himself in power in Taivaa without the help of the United States claims the whole of China, Even today, his representatives assure the Hember States of the United Nations in pereuptory tones that Chiang Kai-shek is still the master of China and that the Chinese people fervently desire his return.

In Taiwan, the only reality in a world of illusions is a military reality. the true reason for the maintenance of military force of half a million men

on Talven is twofold: first of all, a reason for getting money from the United States, which boers the cost of the army that brings in foreign exchange. There has been more than $3,000 million in United States assistance since 1950,

Finally -- and this is very important because it is not this sy of more than half a million men that would prevent the liberation of the Chinese province of Taiwan it is this large-scale military presence which enables the handful of refugees expelled by the Chinese people to maintain absolute dictatorship over the island of Taiwan,

--

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(Mr. Huot Sambath, Cambodia)

Bowever, despite this military presence of half a million men,

Chiang Kai-shek could not last a month without the support of the United States. For the Chinese, Chiang Kai-shek is linked to a period in their history which has now been left far behind, a period when they were in a state of inferiority. As a matter of fact, for many centuries the Chinese people was humiliated. by the West. As has been written in the book entitled The Wounded Tree, by that great Chinese writer who is vell known and whose husband vas a général of the Kuomintang I refer to Madané Ban Suyin

"Landa no longer belonged to the Chinese. They were British, French, Belgian and other concessions, surrounded by barbed wire set up in such a network that you could not see through 1t; and this was

■ barrier dividing Europeans from Chinese."

The author has cited a member of examples by recalling that in 1900

"The Chinese peasants revolted against foreign domination. The réprisals vere immediate. Peking vas sacked by the Western and Japanese armies and 50,000 persons died. The severa vere full of bodies; the streets piled high with bodies of men, women and children, lying in

EMBALA of blood,

H

Hadasa Haa Suyin also recalled that an author, in his book on China published in London in 1934, qunted the following from a German officer who was having a good time in Peking:

"When I go pheasant-hunting, I kill the males, I spare the faneles, and I let the little ones live. But when I go Chinese-hunting, I kili everything in sight, men, women and children, old and young." And Hodana Ben Suyia concludes:

14 "If china is comumlet today it is because the Western Powers have forced it to be so; and if the peoples of Asia are beginning to believe that nothing can be accomplished save by force of arms, it is because scores of years of violence have given then proof of this thesis, Everything is conditioned by experience, Our future is decided before our birth. The new generations are receiving at this time the sand education, namely, that in the last analysis the cannon is the only arbitrator and here again it is the West has taught them this,"

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(Mr. Huot Sambeth. Cambodia)

Medane Hen Buyin has also given us some interesting information on

the situation of the former collaborators with the old régime:

"I have met dozens of people show I knew when my husband

was a general of the Kuomintang, and we have talked together. I BEW

some of his officer comrades who had previously served Chiang Kai-shek.

They were in good health, living useful lives, and had rallied to the new China. Among these people now installed in Peking, working or, because

of their age, placed in easy posts, were a goodly number of former

war lords, whose executioners' gloves were still stained with the blood of hundreds of thousands of Chinese revolutionaries decapitated or

tortured, and who were none the less there, safe and sound, in Peking.

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(Mr. Huot Sambeth, Cambodia)

But there you have it. We were in China, and that is why the Chinese

revolution is different from all the other revolutions, and why so many mên

like my father have rallied to their standard. People are not massacred blindly; pardon existed for those who showed their repentance and spoke the truth. mére vas a place for everyone even for a former Manchu emporar

in that revolution.

+

After having succeeded in freeing themselves completely from foreign

ination, the Chinese have committed themselves to the task of national

edification and building, a task vhich they have measured without illusion, a task ubose breadth and duration they fully understand,

The refusal by the United States to restore to the People's Republic of China its rights in the United Nations is based on political considerations totally contrary to the spirit that prevailed at the founding of our Organization. There is no question about that. In accordance with the principles of our Charter, the Chinese people, like the American people, or like any other people, are perfectly

to adopt a political régime of their choice without thereby losing

their international rights. A good many countries have also experienced popular revolutions and have none the lese kept their seats in the United Nations, In the circumstances why should we apply a discriminatory and completely arbitrary messure vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China?

The question that arises here is not vhether or not we should adnit China to

the United Nations; the question is to determine who represents China and the

750 million Chinese? Is it the Chiang Kai-shek régime, the régime that was expelled by the Chiness people and has taken refuge in the Chinese province of Taivan under the protection of American imperialists, which can survive only with American assistance; or is it the popular régime set up in Peking with the approval, and support of 750 million Chineset

The People's Republic of China is not a Pover that is a candidate for

adidasion to the thited Nations,

It represents a country China -- which 14

part of our Organization and which, moreover, is one of the founding members and one of the permanent sorbers of the Security Council. It is false to state that it uns à régime the "Republic of China" as it existed in 2945 which participated in the creation of the United Nations for the Charter, in its Article 3, refers not to régimes but only to States.

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(Mr. Huot Sambath, Cambodia)

Two years ago the spokesman of a founding sexber and a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations, France, said:

"In providing that China would assume the special responsibilities incumbent upon a permanent member of the Security Council, the Charter did not intend to confer rights and obligations upon a Government. Those rights and obligations were to be assumed by the State, taking secount of all that that State represented and the weight it carried in the world balance of forces. In other words, the exercise of these rights and the assumption of these obligations devolve upon the Goverment which has

Tective control of the Territory, which has charge of its resources and which represents the people in question. It is therefore the Peking Goverment alone which, having achieved and maintained the unity of the country is able to speak and act on its behalf." (1372nd meeting. paragraph 39)

It should be noted that of the four members of the Security Council, three have admitted that it is the Government of the People's Republic of China which represents the Chinese people and vhich alone is entitled to speak on their behalf and to represent them here in the United Nations.

China is a Member State and no one can argue that its Government is not the Government of the People's Republic of China. From the legal standpoint the General Assembly has no task other than to set in such a way that the representatives of the People's Republic of China take their rightful place in the United Nations, that is to say the plan of China, and to decide by a simple majority vote on their credentials because it is not here a question of admission or of a decision on an important question within the meaning of article 18 of the Charter.

For the foregoing reasons my delegation energetically rejects the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 sponsored by the United States.

In recent times a number of countries have been agitating for a separation of China and the Chinese province of Taiwan, This foral solution of "bus Chinas" could not for a single instant be acceptable to us because there is only one China. To allege the contrary would be not only to create a dangerous precedent but also to comit an set of injustice and a flagrant violation of the very principles of the Charter of the United Nations which no independent and

sovereign country could tolerate.

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(Kr. Huot Sambath, Cambodia)

Tawar is an integral part of both de jure and de facto Chinese territory. puring the Second World War, the Cairo and Potsdam declarations, of which the United States is a signatory, confirmed the status of Taiwan by proclaiming that the Chinese territory of Taiwan, vhich Japan had seized after the Sino- Japanese war in 1894 should be restored to Chins at the end of the War.

After the Japanese surrender, the Chinese Government at that time officially resumed the control of Taivan, which was proclaimed a province of China. That is a fact recognized by many countries, including the United States. If Taiwan now is still not part of the motherland, it is solely because the United States is occupying it by force,

+

It is certain that, without the restoration to Chine of the province of Taiwan, which is being administered without any right by the United States, and without an invitation to the People's Republic of China to take its place among us with all its rights and prerogatives, the United Nations will never be able to play the role incumbent upon it but, on the contrary, will show itasit more impotent each year.

All independent countries on the continent of Asia thạt bave co son Frontiers with the People's Republic of China and are neighbours of the People'

Republic of Chine, namely, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Afghanistan, Burma,

Mongolia, Cambodia, Caylon and the Democratic People's Republic of Kores, the

Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and excepting of course Thailand, which is

colony and a base for American aggression in South-East Asia favourable to the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chins in the United Nations and confim that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate representative of the Chinese people and that it is the only authority to represent China in the United Nations.

To those who clamour that China displays "aggressiveness" and could therefore not take ita seat in the United Nations, my delegation would like to emphasize that if China is disaminating its ideology, the United States is imposing throughout the world ita military bases, its occupation of troops, its "local" MILITE, its fascist governments which are the outerus of CIA 201 d'étate. It is obvious and beyond question that it is the United States policy of blockade, of pressure and of threats that has conditioned the general policy of the People's Republic of (bine,

A/PV,1600 14-15

(Mr. Buot Sambath, Cambodia)

In this connexion I should like to quote some passages from a book written y a former special adviser to President Kennedy and President Johnson. In his book, entitled A Bitter Heritage: Viet-Nan, Mr. Arthur M. Schlesinger has written:

"What is, therefore, the standpoint of Peking? It is obviously that the United States is engaged in a gigantic effort to encircle and strangle China".

It should be pointed out that recent statements of Mr. Dean Rusk and Mr. MacNamara serve further to confirm this viewpoint.

Mr. Schlesinger continues:

"We should not be surprised that a dogmatic Leninist-Marxist team interprets the extraordinary deployment of armies, varships, and American military bases thousands of alles from the United States in this fashion, the whole being mobilized, on the adatasion of Washington officials themselves, against none other than the Chinese, Imagine what ve would think if the Chinese had 400,000 men in South Mexico fighting to put down a rebellion considered pro-American, if the Chinese had built powerful military bases there, if Chiness aircraft vere day by day bombarding North Mexico, if a powerful Chinese navy controlled the Pacific off our coast and if Paking was denouncing the United States as the greatest threat to world peace. the question - vhích so much concerns our sense of justice - vho is the aggressor depends much more on who is looking through which glasses and with what coloured lenses. The Peking authorities have certainly studied Munich as carefully as the United Stater Secretary of State. They are convinced that we are in the process of burying them: they also believe that appeasment is an invitation to redoubled aggression and, whatever may be their feeling of repugnance, their concern for their national survival will make the fight at one moment or another. On ↳ November 1950 Peking announced: 'To save our

neighbours is to save ourselves,'

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(Mr. Huot Sembath, Cambodia)

Certain countries which are dependent on Washington have alleged during the course of the general debate that Chine is engaged in "nuclear blackmail" shile it. multiplies its efforts to set up a deterrent force, while the United States, not

content with having accumulated vast stockpiles of atomic and thermonuclear

weapons, continues to undertake underground experiments. According to the

United States Press itself, the United States has this year alone set off

twenty-four explosions.

The position taken at the present time by China in the field of nuclear disarmament is very similar to that which France adopted before it.

In response to the agreement on the cessation of muclear testing, signed in Hoscow on 5 August 1963, Chine proposed in the same spirit the convening of a conference of Heads of Government of all countries of the world in order to

conclude a treaty whose signatories yould commit themselves not only not to

manufacture, test or trade in nuclear weapons, but also not to use them and to

destroy them. It repeated this proposal at the time of its first nuclear experiment in October 1964, but it received no response from Washington other

than an allusion to a possible conference of the big five Powers if Peking

agreed to ratify the Moscow treaty.

The United States has never show itself prepared to give up ita monopoly

nor to engage in a naš reduction of its stocks of boabe or rockets, nor to

comit itself not to be the first to use nuclear and thermonuclear weapons.

On the other hand, China, övery time it has carried out a nuclear or thermonuclear experiment, has solemnly repeated "that at no time and under no circumstances would China ever be the first to use nuclear weapona". It added:

"As in the past, the people and the

overment of China vill continue

to wage a resolute struggle, together with other peace-loving countries

and peoples, for the noble purpose of the complete prohibition and

destruction of nuclear weapons.

FF

It is an aberration to maintain the Chinese people in isolation and in a status of inferiority and guilt, and it is important that the United Nations

recognize as speedily as possible that no agreement affecting international peace and security will be valid without the participation of China, a Power

with 150 million inhabite which today has become a muclear Power,

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(Mr. Huot Sambath. Cambodia)

It is not China, which is practising "ruclear blackmail" but rather the

overnment of the United States,

Here may I quote a fair pasmges from a book written by President Johnson

binzalf entitled The Future of the United States, published in 196k, The

President of the United States vrots as follows:

"Today the United States is stronger than it has ever been; and this

in every field. It outclasses any of its adversaries and any hostile

alliance, It is even more powerful than a langue of all the countries

of today and of all timme past would be. And its strength is growing. The

field in which this strength is growing is that of atomic deterrence. Since January 1961, our possibilities for nuclear retaliation bave

multiplied two and a half times....... When we consider such power, ve

note that, by comparison with it, all the destructive forces brought

to bear in all of the battles unged since the beginning of huan

history are as a firecracker compared to the sun....... In the world of

today there is no longer any room for weskness.. I address myself to

our allies as well as to our adversaries to make then clearly understand

this: our friends have nothing to fear and our enemies would hope in

vein...

#

These bellicose and warlike vorda are beyond all comment.

However, despite this material and technical superiority and their barbarOUS methods of vaging var, the American imperialists today are being held in check

by the Vietnamese people which is struggling for its Independance and freedom.

Despite the acts of aggression and provocation committed by the United

States armed forces against it, China has always showm patience and control. It has tried by means of negotiation to ask the United States to withdraw all

of its armed forces from the Province of Taiwan and from the Straits of Taiwan,

and for more than ten years, first at Geneva and later at Warmw, it hea pursued negotiations with the United States on this question of principle which is not

open to any concession.

This is clear proof that China has always practised a policy designed to settle disputes that my exist or may arise between Independent States by peaceful

means.

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(Mr. Huot Sambath, Cambodia)

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The considerations which I have just set forth clearly show that it is both

duty and in the interests of the United Nations to restore without further

delay the lawful rights of the Feople's Republic of China in the United Nations

and in all of its affiliated bodies. This act should also be followed by the

immediate expulsion of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the seats

they occupy illegally in the United Nations and in all of its subsidiary bodies.

The solution of this problem cannot be delayed further because, on the one

hand, it is an imperious necessity for the strengthening of the authority and

the impact of the Organization and, on the other hand, it is indispensable

to the anfeguarding of the United Nations Charter and the cause that the

Organization should serve in avrordance with the Garter,

It is for these ressons that the delegation of Cambodia would like to

ake an appet) to all hembers of the Organization to support draft resolution A/L.531 subaltted by the non-aligned countries of Asis and Afries and to reject

the draft resolution sponsored by the United States.

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Mг. WEI TAO-MIKG (China) (interpretation from Chinese); Today we are witnessing the spectacle of another campaign the seventh since 1961 vhen the so-called question of the representation of China was first inscribed on the agenda to seat the Chinese comunist régime in the United Nations. The régine that the Assembly is asked to admit is the same régime that has proved itself the meny of the Chinese people, that has committed numerous sets of aggression against other countries, that has flouted the basic principles and purposER of the United Nations,

Much has happened since this question was debated in November of last year. The turmoil and confusion resulting from the so-called proletarian cultural revolution have become more widespread. In foreign policy Paiping has shown Increased ideological militancy. There has been a general deterioration in the relations between Peiping and the rest of the world,

One of the most disturbing aspects of current developments has been the export of Red Guard tactics to foreign landa, Peiping now claims the right to carry the "cultural revolution" beyond its own borders. This has been spelled out in the most explicit and unmistakable terms in an editorial of its official paper, the People's Daily, of 13 August 1967. I quote:

"Working personnel of Socialist China assisting foreign countries are enthusiastic propagandists and courageous defenders of the thought of Mao Tse-tung. Wherever they go, they bring with them the thought of Mao Tse-tung and make it take root and blossom forth throughout the world, In the international struggle, Chinese Red fighters assisting foreign countries, armed with the ever-victorious thought of Mao Tse-tung, ere firm in their proletarian stand and have clear-cut class love and hate, Wherever they are, they can at all times see the right direction, distinguish friends from foes, persevere in the truth, uphold principle, dare to go up a mountain of pointed svords and plunge into a sea of fire." Obviously, there is nothing Peiping would not do to encourage and fament unrest in other countries in the name of the so-called thought of Mao Tse-tung. By its own admission, all its diplomatic as well as economie and technical assistance personnel are fifth-columnists charged with the special responsibility of subverting the countries to which they are accredited, It does not matter whether those countries are commist or non-communist, aligned or non-aligned.

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(Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China)

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(Mr. Wel Tao-sing, China)

The case of Bursa is particularly illustrative, Burme, one of the first countries to recognize the Peiping régine and one of the most ardent supporters of the Chinese communist cause both inside and outside the United Nations, bas now become the target of Peiping's most menacing threats. Peiping now openly calls for the overthrow of the Ne Win Government, which, in Peiping's view, is "fascist, reactionary and traitorous" simply because Rangoon has refused to allow Chinese comunist agents to propagate "Hao Tse-tung'a thought". "To propagate Mao Tse-tung'a thought", said the People's Daily on 10 July 1967, "is the sacred and inviolable right of Chinese personnel working abroad".

How seriously should such threats be taken?

In the present circumstances, direct military intervention can perhaps be ruled out. But this does not mean that the threats can be diastased with complacmey. Instead of direct military intervention, Paiping has now

directed its efforts against Bures along three lines: full support for the outlawed Burma Communist Party, encouragement of separatist acvements along Bursa's frontier areas, and promotion of subversive activities in Rangoon and other urban centres. Aggression by proxy, as is shown in the case of Viet-Nan, can be as much of a sanace to the independence of a country as open and undisguised military invasion.

A régime that promotes war and violence, that claims the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries and subvert the Independence of neighbouring States, cannot by any stretch of the imagination be called peace-loving. Such a régine has obviously no place in an Organization dedicated to the maintenance of international peace and security, to the peaceful settlement of international disputes, to the development of friendly relations among nations based on law and justice, to the promotion of social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, to the encouragement of respect for mean rights and fundamental freedom,

But, it has been argued, the existence of the communist régime on the mainland of Chipa is such an Incontrovertible fact that it is absurd to

pretend that it is not

The snaver to that question is that no one ignores the existence of the régime. Indeed, it is precisely because its existence is such a dangerous

fact that it must be excluded from an organization such as the United Nations.

There is another school of thought which attributes Peiping'a outrageous international behaviour to its political isolation. It is said that, once admitted to the world Organization and exposed to the civilising influence of internațional opinion, the régies will cease to be hostile toward the rest of

the world.

It seems to my delegation that the validity of this argument is open to question. It is born of illusion and wishful thinking and does not reflect the realities of the situation at all. Mao Tse-tung and his gang have never been. known for their azerability to external influence. They regard themselves as the sole repository of truth. It is difficult to Inngine that men with such unshakable faith in the righteousness of their cause can be influenced by anything as volatile as what is called international opinion. Membership in the United Nations vill not change their belligerence and hostility; it will only give them an opportunity to carry out their long-standing threat to "reform" - or rather to destroy -- the United Nations.

The Peiping régias maintaina diplomatic relations with over forty countries. I leave it to them to judge what influença they have been able to

exert on Peiping's international conduct. It van with the express intention

of bringing the régime's isolation to an end that France recognised it in 1964, There is no evidence that France has been more successful in this regard than any other country that has exchanged diplomatic missions with the Chinese communist régime. Indeed, it may be doubted whether it is possible to maintain any kind of meaningful relations with that régine at all, since its every action is a negation of the principles and practices that have governed normal contacta

between Governmenta.

"

TL/en

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[Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China

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(Mr. Wei Teo-ming, China

The truth of the matter is that Peiping's political isolation, if it is

political isolation, is not the cause of its outrageous international behaviour;

on the contrary, it is its outrageous international behaviour that has caused

the isolation. Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia must have known what he vas talking

about when he said that Peiping had lost most of its friends by "walking on the wrong path". In a speech on 13 September 1967, he said further:

"By 4 September 1967 there remained only two

Albends and Cambodia,

And now, beginning ↳ September, there is only Albania, because it has lost

Cambodia,"

One morn

-

That Prince Sihanouk continues to maintain diplomatic relations with

Peiping does not in any way vitiate the validity of his observation that

Peiping' belligerence and hostility is the product of its own ideology

rather then of pressures and attitudes of the world community.

+

Tet

The Prince was not unaware of the threat to his country posed by the Chinese communiste. Mao Tse-tung's cultural revolution, he said at a press conference on 18 September, "now holds that even small, tiny areas are worth swallowing". Be likened the cultural revolution to "a whale which devours small fisher". the Cambodian representative in this Assembly, in blissful disregard of the true interest of his country, continues to play a leading role in pressing for the seating of Peiping. The course of timidity thus adopted will not save Cambodia from Peiping's aggressive designs. For Cambodia, as for all Southeast Asian countries, the road to security does not lie in appeasing the aggressor but in fortifying the will to resist aggression.

Apologists of Peiping contend that in this thermonuclear age the reduction of international tension must be the first and foremost preoccupation of world statesmen. For this reason, they believe that the Chinese communists, for all their intransigence and bellicosity, must be admitted to the United Nations it is far less dangerous to have them inside the United Nations than outside it; and what is more, that without their presence in the United Nations many of the crucial and urgent problems facing the Organization, including the problem of disarmament, would remain incapable of solution.

In the view of my delegation, however, this seemingly plausible argument does not in fact hold water. Those who argue in this manner sem ready to sacrifice the basic principles of the Charter in order to accommodate the Chinese communists. It is inconceivable, it seems to my delegation, that Members of the United Nations who have solemnly pledged themselves to uphold the Charter could, at the same time, urge its abandonment, The Charter is the basic law of the Organization. You cannot tamper with the fundamental law of the Organization without doing irreparable damage to the Organization itself. Those who are ready to discard Charter principles in order to accommodate Paiping are at botton motivated by the fear of war, But to admit Peiping purely on the basis of fear is to encourage it to move from aggression to aggression until a time when there remains no tolerable alternative to war. The lesson of the Second World War should not be easily forgotten.

that

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(Mr. Wei Tao-ning, China)

As to disarmament, Paiping has already made it abundantly clear that there can be no reduction of aras until the victory of communis on a world-wide basis is achieved. In its view, the United Nations "is absolutely incapable of settling the disarmament question or any other major international issues".

Obviously, there is no reasm to believe that the problems which now confront the United Nations would disappear once Paiping was admitted. But there is every reason to believe that the seating of Pelping in these halla would bring in ita train a multitude of new problems which might wall undermine

the very existence of the United NationUS.

Advocates of Peiping's admission not infrequently base their position on samaptions which are as fallacious as they are unjustified. One of these assumptions is that the communist ragines on the mainland of China has the support of the masses of the people. Nothing, however, could be further from the truth. The Chinese people have never accepted the communist tyranny and have in fact never ceased to struggle against it. Bighteen years of unlimited terror and regionatation have failed to stamp out the spirit of resistance. Millions have perished in the struggle. Millions have fled the country. Chinese people are a home-loving people; it is no easy thing for then to leave behind kith and kin, lifelong associations and even human identity, in exchange for the uncertainties of life in exile. Certainly, only fears and revulsiona of the intensest kind could recount for the decision to escape. By so doing, they are asserting in the strongest terms possible their unalterable betred for the régime.

The

Over the years my delegation has called attention to the un-Chinese character of the Feiping régine. The so-called "proletarian revolution", with its ruthless destruction of all the cultural values which the Chinese people hold deer, bar demonstrated beyond any shadow of doubt that the regime is un-Chinese in character and un-Chinese in purpose. It is opposed to everything the Chinese people stand for. And, that being so, it is totally unfit to represent the Chinese in the world community.

Another assumption, which flows directly from the fizet and which is taken for granted by those who have an almost superstitious belief in Peiping's ability to keep itself in power, 14 that the régime is in China to stay and cannot be kogt out of the United Nations for an indefinite length of time.

:

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(Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China)

Those who base their position on this assumption have apparently forgotten the lesson of recent history, namely, that all totalitarian régimes appear Strong and Impregnable until they are overthrowm. The Chinese communist rágine is no exception.

Indeed, the régime is already in deep trouble. The so-called "cultural

revolution" is itself a sign of wealmess and not of strength. It is the outward manifestation of the régime's inner sense of insecurity, its profound lack of

faith in its own future. Knowing that its authority has no sanction in Chinese

cultural tradition, it has deemed it necessary to do away with that cultural tradition. But the cultural tradition of the Chinese people has now begun to

reassert its influence. It is this tradition, rather than the so-called "thought

of Mao Tse-tung", that mist ultimately prevail.

The régime now finds itself in the grip of a convulsive power struggle. Everywhere the Maoist and the anti-Heoist forces are locked in combat.

and order have practically ceased to exist. In their determination to strike down "usurpers", "revisionista", and other "monsters", Mao1a "revolutionary rebels" have done a pretty good job of destroying the Party and administrative machinery. In the provinces, local leaders have openly defied central authority.

Caly five out of a total of twenty-six provinces and two out of a dozen or so

major cities remain under Peiping's actual control.

In the earlier stages of the "cultural revolution", the armed forces

remained somewhat aloof. In January this year they were ordered to "get into the act". It was soon discovered, however, that "there are also persons in authority in the Red Army taking the capitalist road". Inamuch as the rank and file of the troops bail from rural areas, the chaotic conditions prevailing in the countryside are reflected in their declining morale. They cannot be expected to support wholeheartedly a régine which has brought so much misery and suffering to their families.

I

I

T

I

.

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(Mr. Wei Tao-ning, China)

The disintegration has been heightened by two other formidable forces. One is the people's yearning to be free. The other is the breakdown of the economy, Peasants and workers, who have suffered the most under the communist tyrenny, are now the vanguard of the anti-Maoist forose. They have joined forces with the anti-Maoist elements within the Communist Party to overthrow Mao Tse-tung and all that he represents. It is ironical, as I said in my statement in the general debate, that Hao Tse-tung, the theoretician of "People'■ War" and the proponent of the tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside, now finds that his chickens have come home to roost, The same "People's War" and the same tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside are now being used for his own downfall.

In an attempt to arrest the worsening conditions, the Peiping régine has recently stepped up its campaign of forming what is called a "great revolutionary alliance" of revolutionary cadres, the armed forces and the

But this is not likely to save the régine from its ultimate doon. The turmoil has reached such an intensity that the situation cannot be meliorated even if the Maoista were to revise or to modify their methods,

At a time when the hopes of the Chinese people for the recovery of their lost freedom appear the brightest, the United Nations has no right to put ite seal of approval upon a régise which has mmitted so many heinous crimes

against theme,

To the Chinese people there is only one China and one legal Chinese Government, the Goverment of the Republic of China. They categorically reject any proposal that purports to resolve the question of representation through the so-called two-Chines formula. Let se state vith all the suphasis at my command that the right to determine who should represent China in the United Nations belongs exclusively to the Chinese people. It is not for Members of this Assembly or anybody else to make the decision for them or to propound proposals tha are at variance with the vishes and aspirations of the Chinese

people,

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(Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China)

The question of the representation of China involves not merely the rightful position of the Government of the Republic of China in the United Nations; it has far-reaching implications for the future of the Organization itself. No one with the true interests of the Organization at heart can allow the adaission of a régine which is clearly disqualified by both the spirit end the letter of the Charter. Any act of appeasement on the part of the United Nations cannot but give new impetus to the aggressor's design for world domination. This is no time to cling to positions which are no longer tenable in ciremstances in vhich Peiping has intensified its subversive activities in all vulnerable parts of the world, particularly against the countries of

South-East Asia.

Elementary prudence, therefore, requires the General, Assembly to take a hard look at the question of Chinese representation. For the sake of the 700 million Chinese people now languishing under communist tymany, for the wake of international peace and security, and for the sake of the United Nations itself, I appeal to you, fellow representatives, to vote down any proposal aiming at the seating of the Chinese Communist régime.

Hr. LOPEZ (Philippines): Today, as in previous sessions, we are called upon to decide two related questions. The first is whether or not we should accept a proposal for the "restoration of the lawful rights of the

And the second la whether People's Republic of China in the United Nations".

or not we would agree that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question which, in accordance with paragraph 2, Article 18

of the Charter, requires a two-thirds majority vote for approval.

Tradition has established the fact that this is pre-eminently a political question. Since it is a political question, we must observe that the issue has not been correctly posed by the sponsors of the present itan. Were the question at issue one simply of restoring a so-called lawful, right to the People's Republic of China, the General Assembly would have no option except to accede to the proposal, since to deny it would itself be unlawful.

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(Hr. Lopez, Philippines)

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(Mr. Lopez, Philippines)

and therefore indefensible. But a right, whether lawful or unlawful, cen only be restored to one who once possessed the right and then subsequently lost it. Since the People's Republic of China has never before exercised the right to represent China in the United Nations, no claim of restitution can properly be submitted by itself or by others on its behalf, Thus, the wording

of the agenda item clearly begs the question.

For this reason, if for

no other, the proposal submitted by the delegations of Albania and others must

be rejected.

It 1:

There is only one valid question that can be put to the General Assembly concerning the People's Republic of China, and it is a hypothetical one. That quastion is whether the General Assembly would accede to a request or claim of the People's Republic of China to represent Chine in the United Nations. We have chosen the terms of the conditional proposition with great care. besed on the assumption that the Govermamt of the People's Republic of China

itself would express the desire and claim the right to represent Chins in the United Nations, and that it could give a flaar indication to that effect to

the United Nations, So far as we are aware, the Government in Peking has

expressed no such desire and made no such clain, On the contrary, its attitude towards the United Nations continues to be one of unmitigated contempt, It has

announced that it would not consider joining the United Nations until the

Organization has reformed itself in accordance with Peking's stipulations; otherwise, Paicing would be obliged to set up what it calls a "revolutionary United Nations" of its own.

In these ciremstances, and in the absence of a request or a claim by the People's Republic of China to represent China in the thited Nations, the

question of changing the existing situation does not even arise. The General Assembly should not be expected to respond to a hypothetical question.

We are often reminded that we are dealing not with a question of admitting a new Member State but of deciding which of two rival régizes has the right

to represent a State that is already a Member of the United Nations,

implication is that the decision to be made is mandatory, not permissive.

But

ych a decision necessarily implies a deliberate act of choice dictated by

considerations mainly political in character, These considerations are not concerned with the legitimacy of a government, the nature and scope of ite

authority, or the stability of its institutions, Bach Member State must decide

for itself what is best for the United Nations. There can be no question of

any automatic satitlement of any régime to represent a Member State in the

United Nations.

Since considerations of a political character are decisive, we would

repeat the view va expressed at the last session, namely, that there is a season

for everything under the sun, and it reasing our candid view that the time

has not come to review the question of the representation of China in the

United Nations. Divided against itself, at odds with most of its neighbours

end with much of the rest of the world, the People's Republic of China today

is neither willing nor able to carry out the obligatins of membership in the

United Nations. Indeed, it does not appear to want to have anything to do with

the United Nations at all.

EX/VE

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(Mr. Lepez, Philippines

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Mr. Lopez, Philippines)

Do we than expect to bar mainland Chins forever from participating in the work of the United Nations? The word "forever" does pot exist in the lexicon

of history. We would recall that it took nearly ten years of patient

negotiation to effect the simultaneous admission of about a dozen important States to the United Nations. No one questioned the qualifications or the right of those States to be admitted; there was only the question of timing and the evolving clinste of opinion among the States concerned and within the United Nations itself, So too the time vill surely come when the Chinese people will have a government truly expressive of their ancient traditions of moderation and their vibrant aspirations for a better life, in peace and freedom. They cannot be barred permanently from co-operating with the United Nations either by arbitrary decision of the General Assembly or by the continued irresponsibility of their leadera. But the Chinese people themselves must break down the new Great Wall of fanatical doctrine which their leaders have built around their country It took the Soviet Union forty-five years to moderata its ideologiesl fervour and to sccept the principle of peaceful coexistence. We must be prepared to wait just as long, if necessary, for a similar transformation to take place in the régime that now controls mainland China,

China, which used to call itself the Middle Kingdom, stands in the very heart of Asia, as large a life itself. We cannot, even if we wish, make it vanish by magic or by prayer. We know that we, its neighbours, have to live with it and come to terms with it. We are certain that through peaceful co-operation and neighbourly relations we could basten together the improvement of the quality of life of the teeming millions of Asia, but we dany that China has the right to dictate the terms on which we should live with it, and we must defy any attempt on its part to do so. It is a tragedy fraught with nameless danger for all mankind that Communist China disbelieves violently in the principle of the peaceful coexistence of countries having different political and economic systems. Peking has denounced that principle as a revisionist heresy designed to undermine the doctrines of perpetusi revolution and the export of revolution.

We must have the fortitude and the patience to wait for the eventual release of the Chinese people from the tensions of their long and bitter revolution. The time will cer when the people of mainland China will have a government that

1

!

faithfully reflects their wish to co-operate with their neighbours and with the

must of mankind in building a new world of peace, freedom and abundance, under

by rule of law, what time is not yet.

To the question of whether or not the proposal to change the

representation of Chips requires a two-thirds majority vote for approval, our answer is self-evident. The question involves, on the one hand, a right

pertaining to the most populous cation on earth, a permanent member of the

Security Council, and, on the other hand, the very future of the United Nations

itself. Therefore few queations can be more important than this. Moreover,

since the General Assembly, as often as the question has been raised in the past,

has decided consistently that it falls under the two-thirds rule, there could be only one logical reason for changing that decision today. that would be that for some obscure and mysterious reason the question bad suddenly become less important than it vas in previous yearu. But that would be a patent maurdity, For the reasons we have stated, we shall vote against the draft resolution submitted in the name of Albania and others in document A/L.531, and we urge

support for the draft resolution tabled by fourteen countries, including the Philippines, in document A/L.532.

MI. TŠURUOKA (Japan); The question of the representation of china

in the United Nations is one of the most complex and important problems that this

Organisation has ever faced. It is a problem which has a very serious hearing on the peace and security of the world as a whole and of haia in particular. Japan is concerned about every aspect of China and above all about the basic situation which gives rise to the very question we are nov discussing. Japan: is so closely ralated to China in many ways that we simply cannot ignore the magnitude of the

question of Chinese representation.

Geographically, a glance at the map of western Jain reveals that the Japanese islands are separated from the mainland of thins by relatively nRYTOW bodies of water and are quite close to Faiwan. Kores de " aver neighbour. south-east and south AsiA, LE VE DELsure time and distance today, are not so very far away. These simple geographical facts in this day and age of advanced technology and sophisticated nuclear weaponry obviously wont be taken into account

ET/VE

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(Mr. Tsuruoke. Japan)

(Mr. Tsuruoka, Japan)

by us as we consider problems relating to our own peace and security. Nor ena we be ungdadful of the menaces that exist today with regard to the specific areas, I have mentioned.

Culturally, I would remind representatives of the long, almost unbroken history of relations between Japan and China extending back through many centuries. ha a result of our intimate associations with Chiasse of other years the Japanese people cannot help taking a keen interest in their relations with the Chinese people. We look forward to the day and we hope that it will be in the not too distant future -- when it vill become possible for all the Chinese people to live in peace and harmony with their neighbours and the rest of the world. It is most certainly the desire of the Japanese people and Government to live in that way with all our Chinese neighbours.

Apart from these factors, I think it is quite obvious that Japan, as a country of east Asia, must take a vital interest in say watter or question which may affect, directly or indirectly, the peace and security of the region in which we live. The China problem as a whole, and one aspect of the China problem, which is the immediate queation before the General Assembly, are matters which fall, within the category of those which are of vital interest to Japan.

¡

My delegation has always maintained that any proposal to change the

representation of Chins in the United Nations is an important question under

Hticle 18 of the Charter, requiring a two-thirds majority for decision,

and we have been opposed to any attempt to expel the Republic of China from

the United Nations, Today we have not found any valid reasons that would

Justify a change in that attitude, Our reason is simple; there has been

no basic change in the elementary facts which the Assembly must take into

account in its examination of this problem. Indeed, we are more than ever

convinced, in the light of the current international situation, that the

way this issue develops will certainly affect the peace and security of

Asia and consequently of the entire world.

What are the basic facts that remain unchanged and which must be

taken into accountt

The first is that there are in existence two authorities confronting

sach other scross the Taiwan Straits. One of those authorities is the

Government of the Republic of China, in effective control of a population

of over 12 million people who enjoy a high standard of living on the Island

of Taiwan and ita adjacent islands. The other authority is the Government

of the People's Republic of China, in control of 700 million people on the

Cuina Mainland. Bach of these authorities parsistently claims to be the

sole lawful Government of all the Chinese people, that situation has

continued to be the main source of tension since 1949.

In such circumstances say attempt to solve the problem of the representation of China in the United Nations sorely by expelling one of the

two bodies directly concerned from the place it has legitimately occupied.

in this Organization and replacing it by the other would inevitably risk upsetting the balance of pover in East Asia.

For the rORBONE I have set forth, the Japanese Government considers

that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question, in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter.

Japeness delegation has therefore joined with others in co-sponsoring the draft resolution in domment A/L.532. We are confident that a large majority of

the Assembly vill join with us in supporting that draft when it is put to the vote,

We take that position not as a means of excluding the People's Republic of China.

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(Kr, Tsuruoka, Japan)

To

from the United Nations but simply because there has not been any basic change in the pertinent facts which would cause us to believe that this question vas no longer an laportent one in the sense of the Charter, our sinds the question of Chinese representation is just as important as such problems as disarmament, apartheid, South West Africa, the Middle Baat and many others.

Another important point to be stressed is the great difference in the attitudes of the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China towards our Organization.

The Republic of Ching not only was one of the original Members of the United Nations but also has faithfully carried out its responsibilities and obligations under the Charter and consistently upbald the authority and prestige of the Organization. Those are vell known and indisputable facta, which cannot be denied by anyone. As to the position of the Government of the People's Republic of China with regard to the United Nations there is room for doubt.

One cannot help wondering

whether that Government is in fact villing to carry out the obligations and responsibilities enjoined by the Charter and whether its membership in the United Nations would be a positive factor in enhancing the prestige and authority of our Organization.

Japan stands for an orderly and peaceful evolution towards an international. system based upon law and respect for diversity among national societies, It is possible that the day will come when the People's Republic of China may be able to play a more constructive and harmonious role in the

International community, but for the moment, because of the uncertain and fluid situation in mainland China and the apparent lack of flexibility in the attitude taken at present by the Government of the People's Republic of China towards other countries and the United Nations, that possibility now wa

somewhat

The only substantive proposal for a solution to the problem of Chinese representation that has been placed before the Assembly is that contained in document A/L.531, the draft resolution submitted by Albenia and supported by certain number of other countries. With due respect, I am obliged to state that the proposed solution to the problem of Chinese representation in that draft resolution is quite unacceptable to my Government. We shall vote ngainst

¡

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(Mr. Tauruoka, Japan)

it, and we hope that a large majority of the Assembly will join us in

Heing likewise, It is altogether unreasonable and unjust to propose that de reprezentatives of the Republic of China -- or for that matter the

representatives of any other Member State -- should be summarily

expelled from the United Nations, and in the light of what I said

earlier it is quite clear that the adoption of that draft would entail

serious consequences for the peace and security of an area, where such

serious tension already exists.

So much for the way ay delegation vill vote on the draft resolution

contained in document A/L.531. I wish to stress once again that my delegation

maintains the position that a decision on the draft resolution in document

A/L,533, or any other draft resolution having the direct sin of changing

the representation of China in the United Nations, requires a two-thirds

majority by its sheer importance. That is the reason why my delegation bas

joined with certain other delegations in co-sponsoring the draft resolution

contained in document A/L,532, believing that that draft resolution is

wholly consonant with the overriding interest that all of us have in the

maintenence of international peace and security. We sost samnestly hope

that it will be approved by an overwhelming majority.

It only remaina for me to say that my Government looks forward to the

time when a peaceful and just solution of the question before us my contribute

to more harmonious relations among the countries of hala and of the world.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): At its meeting tomorrow morning the Assembly will continue ita consideration of item 95 of its agenda. It la, of course, understood that item 94, "The Situation in the Middle East", will retain its high priority and may be taken up for discussion at any time.

The peating rose at 12.20 p.4.